Crown  Theological  Library 


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CROWN   THEOLOGICAL   LIBRARY 


VOL.    XIII. 

VON   SODEN'S   THE    HISTORY   OF    EARLY 

CHRISTIAN    LITERATURE 


THE     HISTORY    OF 

EARLY  CHRISTIAN 

LITERATURE 

THE    WRITINGS    OF    THE    NEW 
TESTAMENT 


BY 

Baron   HERMANN  VON   SODEN,  D.D. 

PROFESSOR   OF   THEOLOGY   IN   THE   UNIVERSITY   OF    BERLIN 


TRANSLATED    BY 

The    Rev.    J.    R.    WILKINSON,    M.A. 

LATE   SCHOLAR   OF    WORCESTER   COLLEGE.    OXFORD 


EDITED    BY 

The    Rev.    W.    D.    MORRISON,    LL.D. 


NEW    YORK  :     G.    P.    PUTNAM'S    SONS 
LONDON:  WILLIAMS  AND  NORGATE 

1906 


35 


CONTENTS 


TAGS 

Preliminary  Survey   ......  i 

I.  St  Paul— 

The  Author      ......  21 

1 .  The  First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians      .  27 

CZ.  The  Epistles  to  the  Corinthiars         .          .  35 

3.  The  Epistle  to  the  Galatians     ...  .56 

4.  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans       ...  71 

5.  A  Supposed  Epistle  to  Ephesus         .         .  92 

6.  The    Epistles    to    the    Colossians   and    to 

Philemon <)7 

7.  The  Epistle  to  the  Philippians           .          .  107 

II.  Tiik  Gospel  Literature — 

Survey               .          .          .          .          •  1 2 1 

1.  St  Matthew's  Collection  of  Savings          .  127 

2.  The  Reminiscences  of  Si    Peter  written 

by  St  Mark 142 

3.  The  Gospel  according  to  St  Mark    .        .  158 

\.   The  Gospel  according  to  St  Luke      .           .  1(5:") 

5.   The  Gospel  according  to  St   Matthew  I  HI 


rr 


7167( 


VI 


Contents 


III.  The  Post-Pauline  Literature — 

Survey     ..... 

1.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles 

2.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews 

3.  The  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter   . 

4.  The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians 

5.  The  Pastoral  Epistles 
Appendix  :  The  Second   Epistle    to  the 

salonians  .... 


fhes- 


PAOK 

201 
210 

248 
272 
284 
305 

324 


IV 


The  Johannine  Literature — 

Survey     ....... 

334 

1.  The  Book  of  Revelation    .... 

338 

2.  The     Second     and     Third      Epistles     of 

St  John      ...... 

374 

3.  The  First  Epistle  of  St  John     . 

379 

4.  The  Gospel  of  St  John     .... 

390 

The  History  of  the  Origin  of  the  Johan- 

nine Writings    ..... 

425 

Summary           ...... 

460 

Appendix  :    The  Epistles   of  St  James  and  St 

Jude,  and  the  Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter 

463 

THE    HISTORY    OF    EARLY 
CHRISTIAN    LITERATURE 

PRELIMINARY  SURVEY 

Was  it  in  the  impenetrable  darkness  of  a 
corner  far  removed  from  the  light  of  history, 
that  there  arose  upon  the  world  the  power 
which  has  exerted  the  most  profound  influence 
upon  the  whole  nature  of  mankind  from  its 
most  elementary  motives  to  its  loftiest  aims  ? 
So  many  imagine  in  these  days — many  for 
whom  has  vanished  that  heavenly  light  which 
shed  its  radiance  over  the  cradle  of  past 
generations.  lint  it  was  not  so! — rather  the 
paths,  by  which  Christianity  made  its  entrance 
into  the  world,  were  illumined  by  the 
clear  light  of  a  world  of  civilisation  and 
culture. 


2         Early   Christian   Literature 

This  is  true  also  in  its  right  measure  of  the 
life  of  Him  from  whom  the  whole  movement 
took  its  origin.  Though  the  soil  upon  which 
He  worked  was  at  that  time  upon  the 
circumference  rather  than  at  the  centre  of  the 
circle  of  civilisation,  it  was  nevertheless  a 
cultivated  soil  which  for  some  thousand  of 
years  had  its  share,  both  giving  and  receiving, 
first  in  Oriental  then  in  Grseco-Roman  civilisa- 
tion. It  possessed  besides  a  sure  testimony  of 
higher  culture  in  a  literature  which  reached 
far  back  into  the  past  and  was  still  living  and 
growing. 

This  culture,  when  one  looks  closely,  is 
reflected  in  some  form  or  other  in  every  word 
and  simile  of  Jesus  as  also  in  the  whole  course 
of  His  history ;  though  in  His  special  ministry 
our  Lord  had  no  need  of  all  the  means  which 
this  culture  afforded  Him.  He  could  only  be, 
He  only  wished  to  be  and  to  offer  to  others, 
what  He  was  in  Himself! — a  personality 
complete  and  self-sufficing,  whose  creative 
energy   proceeded    from   its    God  as  its  only 


Preliminary   Survey  3 

source.  His  mission  was  thus  denned  for 
Him.  He  must  call  into  life  in  the  souls 
of  others  the  treasure  of  His  own  soul.  He 
must  leave  His  own  impress  upon  His 
immediate  environment,  and  through  them 
upon  mankind  hy  means  of  direct  personal 
influence.  He  has  not,  therefore,  seized  upon 
one  of  the  most  notable  instruments  which 
culture  affords — He  has  not  committed  Him- 
self to  writing.  That  He  could  use  the  pen 
we  may  be  sure  since  He  was  brought  up  in 
the  regular  Jewish  workshop ;  that  He  was 
gifted  for  authorship  stands  beyond  question 
with  one  who  was  the  creator  of  the  Parables. 
When  however  we  pass  to  those  who  were 
in  the  first  wave  of  the  movement  initiated 
by  Him,  we  find  writing  resorted  to  so 
constantly  and  industriously  as  to  astonish 
us  when  we  consider  the  smallness  of  the 
number  of  Christians  and  the  peculiar  en- 
thusiastic spirit  by  which  they  were  inspired. 
This  of  itself  proves  that  Christianity  from 
the  beginning  was  of  the  sphere  of  civilisation 


4         Early  Christian   Literature 

and  culture.  The  very  first  generation  of 
Christians  created  for  itself  a  literature. 

The  significance  of  this  literature  in  itself, 
and  its  importance  for  the  future  of  Christianity, 
can  scarcely  be  rated  at  too  high  a  value.  To 
these  its  most  ancient  scriptures,  next  to  the 
Person  of  its  Founder,  Christianity  owes  the 
faculty  of  self-recollection  which  has  prevented 
this  religion,  amid  the  maze  of  history,  from 
ever  quite  losing  its  own  peculiar  character ; 
which  has  indeed  ever  again  enabled  it  to  renew 
its  youth  and  to  preserve  itself  inwardly  in- 
dependent of  the  changing  factors  of  human 
development. 

The  irreplaceable  value  of  this  ancient 
literature  was  clearly  recognised  from  the 
first.  It  was  carefully  preserved  ;  it  was  at  an 
early  date  distinguished  from  the  imitations 
and  new  literary  ventures  of  a  later  generation 
working  under  quite  different  conditions  ;  and 
finally  it  was  united  into  a  complete  whole, 
forming  our  New  Testament.  To  this  body 
of    scripture    the    Christians    then    assigned 


V 


Preliminary   Survey  5 

determining  authority,  supporting  its  claims  by 
a  peculiar  theory  as  to  the  origin  of  these 
writings — the  so-called  doctrine  of  Inspiration. 
The  beginnings  of  such  a  collection  of  writings 
reach  far  back  behind  the  formation  of  the 
Canon.  Perhaps  St  Paul  himself  made  such  a 
beginning  with  his  own  epistles  ;  certainly  the 
communities  founded  by  him  made  collections 
of  these  particular  writings  either  during  his 
lifetime  or  soon  afterwards.  This  was  followed 
by  the  compilation  of  the  four  gospels  which, 
according  to  clear  indications,  could  not  have 
taken  place  later  than  the  fourth  decade  of  the 
second  century.  Hound  this  nucleus  the 
other  books  gradually  collected,  and  by  the 
beginning  of  the  third  century  all  the  essential 
writings  of  the  New  Testament  were  already 
canonised — i.e.  were  admitted  into  the  list  of 
authoritative  scripture. 

Some  products  of  early  Christian  literary 
activity  must  have  been  lost  long  before  this 
time;  others,  owing  to  their  exclusion  from 
the  Canon,  must   have  gradually  disappeared. 


6         Early   Christian   Literature 

For  instance,  we  have  certain  knowledge  of  a 
letter  of  St  Paul  addressed  to  Corinth,  and  of 
another  to  Laodicea,  and,  besides,  of  some 
gospels  whose  date  indeed  cannot  be  exactly- 
fixed,  among  which  the  so-called  gospel  of  the 
Hebrews  was  without  doubt  the  most  valuable. 
However,  so  far  as  we  can  judge,  the  loss  is  not 
of  considerable  importance.  Had  they  come 
down  to  us,  we  should  possess  some  more 
examples  of  species  of  composition  which  are 
already  well  represented ;  but  our  general 
impression  of  primitive  Christian  literature 
would  not  have  been  enriched  by  new 
essential  traits. 

As  for  some  ancient  Christian  writings 
which  are  contemporary  with  the  oldest  parts 
of  the  New  Testament,  and  have  been  preserved 
for  our  knowledge  owing  to  the  fact  that  they 
were,  by  the  varying  usage  of  some  centuries, 
attached  to  the  New  Testament,  we  can  only 
commend  the  verdict  of  the  Christians  of  the 
second  century  against  their  acceptation. 
There  is  wanting  in  them  what  forms  the  very 


Preliminary   Survey  7 

heart  of  the  New  Testament  scriptures :  the 
strenuous  concentration  upon  what  is  inward 
and  therefore  essential ;  the  "  knowledge  of 
nothing  but  Christ,"  as  St  Paul  once  defines  it ; 
the  fulness  of  creative  power  and  of  victorious 
assurance  of  aim  which  of  itself  repells  all  that 
is  strange  and  heterogeneous  ;  "  the  being  filled 
with  the  Holy  Ghost,"  as  later  generations  felt 
and  named  it ;  finally,  the  close  and  intimate 
connection  with  that  world  of  religious  feeling 
and  practice  which  finds  expression  in  the 
Old  Testament. 

The  union  of  the  primitive  Christian  litera- 
ture in  one  book,  and  the  transference  to  it  of 
the  truly  mechanical  Jewish  dogma  of  Inspira- 
tion, early  blinded  men's  eyes  and  blunted 
their  feelings  for  the  great  variety  and  distinct 
individuality  of  the  separate  works  which  were 
now  united  in  one.  Still  less  could  there 
be  perceived  in  these  writings  a  living  spirit 
in  full  development  striving  towards  yet 
clearer  expression.  As  it  is  when  men  look 
at  sonic  sacred   picture,   so    ninny    traits — -and 


8         Early  Christian   Literature 

those  often  essential  traits — of  these  writings 
were  no  longer  seen  because  the  gaze  fastened 
only  upon  that  which  was  most  important 
to  the  reader.  It  is  now  only  as  the  precious 
reward  of  most  searching  analysis  and  investi- 
gation of  the  writings  of  the  New  Testament 
during  the  past  century  that  we  see  these 
works  again  living  before  us  in  all  their  indi- 
vidual character.  The  separate  designs  disen- 
tangle themselves  into  distinctness,  and  where 
once  a  certain  monotony  was  perceived  there 
now  sounds  forth  a  symphony,  not  without 
broken  harmonies — even  discords— with  chang- 
ing, sometimes  clashing,  themes  of  independent 
melody.  We  no  longer  see  in  these  writings, 
by  means  of  more  or  less  unwarranted  omissions 
and  forced  interpretations,  only  what  is  ever- 
lastingly valid  and  true,  but  from  their  pages 
images  and  characters  now  stand  out  before 
us  coloured  by  all  the  varied  conditions  of 
their  times.  And  all  this  which  lay  before 
past  generations  uncared  for  and  unnoticed, 
now  interests  us  and  gradually  captivates  us 


Preliminary   Survey  9 

as  forcibly  as  the  abiding  truth  which  forms 
the  content  of  these  scriptures. 

Of  course  these  writings,  with  all  their 
variety,  possess  a  common  property  which 
binds  them  closely  together.  They  all  deal 
with  the  same  great  question,  the  question 
of  religion ;  and  that  in  the  distinct  form 
given  it  by  the  Person  and  history  of 
•Jesus,  and  by  the  fact  of  His  acceptance 
as  the  Christ  in  Christian  circles.  Christ 
is  their  life.  They  all  have  origin  in  the 
same  spiritual  world  whose  poles  are,  so 
to  speak,  Jerusalem  and  Athens,  a  world 
in  which  the  Eastern  Semitic  spirit  in  the 
peculiar  form  of  Judaism,  and  the  spirit  of 
(ireece  in  the  cosmopolitan  form  it  developed 
after  Alexander  had  broken  down  the  barriers 
of  the  nations,  now  met  in  conflict,  now  came 
to  mutual  compromise.  And  just  in  so  far  as 
this  antique  world  in  its  customs,  its  concep- 
tions, its  ideals,  is  far  removed  from  us,  so  do 
these  writings  arouse  in  us  an  impression  of 
similarity,  just  as  to  a  Chinese  ear  the   music 


io      Early   Christian   Literature 

of  Bach,  Mozart,  Beethoven,  Wagner,  seems 
to  all  intents  and  purposes  the  same  in 
character. 

*Ji-  JJ,  JL  «\£, 

TT  TP  TP  TT 

But  our  concern  in  this  volume  is  not  with 
the  world  of  thought  revealed  in  these  books, 
but  with  the  books  themselves.  We  would 
relate  the  history  of  the  literature  of  Early 
Christianity. 

The  language  employed  in  this  literature  is 
Greek,  the  universal  language  of  those  days. 
And  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  the  Chris- 
tians did  not  create,  as  was  once  thought,  a 
peculiar  dialect  of  this  language — a  New 
Testament  Greek.  Nor  did  they  speak  and 
write,  as  others  have  believed,  in  a  Jewish-Greek 
patois.  It  cannot,  of  course,  fail  to  be  perceived 
that  there  is  a  difference  between  the  Greek  of 
the  New  Testament  and  that  of  other  con- 
temporary writers.  But  this  difference  does 
not  lie  in  distinction  of  dialect.  The  latter 
authors,  who  wrote  for  a  cultured  public, 
endeavoured    with    more    or   less    success   to 


Preliminary   Survey  i  i 

imitate,  as  far  as  the  living  development  of 
the  Greek  tongue  still  permitted,  that  epoch 
of  the  language  which  had  been  consecrated 
by  the  classic  creations  of  the  Periclean  age. 
The  Christian  writers,  free  from  all  such 
aesthetic  humours  and  quite  absorbed  by  the 
burning  desire  to  reach  the  hearts  of  their 
readers,  spoke  in  the  living  language  of  their 
time,  in  that  popular  language  of  conversation 
and  commerce,  as  it  again  lives  before  our  eyes 
in  the  epistles  and  commercial  records  which 
the  sands  of  Egypt  have  preserved  for  the 
excavator  of  to-day.  It  was  with  them  as 
with  Luther,  who,  when  he  determined  to  set 
forth  to  his  nation  a  Bible  in  German, "  looked 
to  the  stomach  of  the  common  people." 

It  was  unavoidable  but  that  the  primitive 
Christian  writers  often  used  compulsion  with 
the  Greek  tongue  and  offended  against  its 
genius.  They  wished  to  bring  to  expression 
things  which,  up  to  that  time,  were  foreign  to 
the  Greek  spirit  and  had  only  round  verbal 
expression  in  Semitic  languages.     And  besides. 


12      Early   Christian   Literature 

it  is  only  natural  that  the  phraseology  of  the 
Greek  translation  of  the  Old  Testament,  to 
which  they  were  habituated  from  their  youth, 
should  unconsciously  flow  from  their  pens, 
and  still  more,  that  when  their  subject  matter 
brought  them  into  close  contact  with  the  Old 
Testament  or  when  they  translated  from  the 
Aramaic  dialect  of  Palestine,  their  Greek 
should  receive  a  foreign  tinge.  All  this, 
however,  does  not  give  the  Greek  of  the  New 
Testament  the  character  of  a  peculiar  dialect, 
it  only  lends  to  the  universal  dialect  that  was 
employed  in  these  writings  a  slight  colouring 
which  is  by  no  means  the  same  with  each 
author. 

For  we  may  draw  a  strong  line  of  distinction 
between  the  New  Testament  writers  according 
to  the  measure  in  which  they  show  themselves 
masters  of  the  Greek  tongue.  The  best  Greek, 
scarcely  different  in  any  point  from  that  of  con- 
temporary writers,  was  written  by  the  author 
of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  an  Alexandrian 
by  education  at  least,  and  by  the  author  of  the 


Preliminary   Survey  13 

Lukan  writings,  who  was  probably  anEphesian. 
Somewhat  inferior  to  these  in  literary  purity 
and  genuinely  Greek  style,  but  far  superior  to 
them  in  a  masterly  command  of  the  language, 
stands  Paul  the  Tarsan.     The  Greek  of  those 
days  becomes  indeed  in  his  hands  the  keenest 
and    most   flexible   instrument   of  a  spirit   of 
boundless   power   and    endowment.       In    the 
same  measure  as  we  can  speak  of  a  language 
of  Bunyan  or  of  Milton,  so  may  we  speak  of  a 
language  of  Paul.     The   smallest  amount  of 
linguistic  versatility  is  shown  in  the  Johannine 
writings,  more    particularly   in    the    Book    of 
Revelation  and  in  the  Epistle  of  St  James. 

And  as  the  primitive  Christian  authors 
employed  the  universal  dialect  of  their  times, 
so  also  they  accommodated  themselves  to  con- 
temporary taste  in  literary  form.  It  was  a 
wide-spread  literary  custom  to  set  down  one's 
thoughts  in  Conn  of  an  epistle,  as  did  St  Paul 
and    other    Christians    after    him.        Also     the 

collection  of   Pauline  epistles  which  was,  we 
may    say,    published     by    the     Christians.    h;is 


14      Early   Christian  Literature 

abundant  analogies  in  the  literature  of  the 
Augustan  and  post- Augustan  epochs.  Again, 
collections  of  striking  sayings  of  distinguished 
men,  like  those  collections  of  words  of  Jesus 
which  are  worked  up  in  our  Gospels,  were 
a  well-known  phenomenon  in  the  literary 
world  of  those  days.  Moreover  the  popular 
biographies  of  great  men  current  in  those  days, 
and  written  likewise  in  the  first  place  with  an 
ethical  purpose,  form  an  analogy,  if  a  remote 
one,  to  the  Gospels  and  the  Acts  of  the  New 
Testament.  This  similarity  was  so  strongly  felt 
by  Justin,  the  philosopher  who  had  become  a 
Christian,  that  in  an  apology  for  Christianity 
addressed  to  the  Roman  Emperor  he  even  ap- 
plied to  the  Gospels  the  customary  title  assigned 
in  his  days  to  such  biographies — a  Greek  word 
corresponding  to  our  word  "  Memoirs."  The 
Johannine  Apocalypse  has  its  parallels  in  all 
kinds  of  esoteric  writings  and  books  of  vision 
and  prophecy.  Finally,  it  was  a  favourite 
practice  of  rhetoricians  and  sophists  to  foster 
speeches  or  letters  upon  great  men,  especially 


Preliminary   Survey  15 

renowned  philosophers  and  orators,  and  in  this 
way  to  gain  for  their  own  ideas  patrons  of  note 
and  authority.  Nor  was  this  practice  regarded 
by  any  one  as  something  dishonourable. 

It  is,  however,  important  to  notice  not  only 
the  forms  which  were  accepted  as  models  for  the 
literary  activity  of  the  first  Christians,  but  also 
the  forms  which  they  did  not  employ.  They 
wrote  no  text-books — certainly  no  dogmatic 
text-books — no  philosophic  treatises,  no  cate- 
chism, no  statute  or  code  of  laws,  no  formal 
creed,  also  no  works  of  imagination  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  the  phrase.  All  that  comes 
from  them  is  the  expression  of  personal  ex- 
perience and  conviction  the  most  profound, 
most  sincere,   and   most  sacred. 

The  period,  during  which  the  early  Christian 
writings  comprised  in  the  New  Testament 
were  composed,  certainly  does  not  extend 
beyond  the  first  three  generations.  The 
majority  of  them  were  most  probably  written 
within  the  first  century  of  our  era.  It  is 
impossible    to   fix    exactly   the    year   for    each 


1 6       Early  Christian   Literature 

writing,  nor  is  such  knowledge  of  any 
essential  worth  seeing  that  the  exact  date 
would  give  us  no  exact  picture  of  the  circum- 
stances of  the  time  of  composition. 

We  have  knowledge  indeed  of  some  crucial 
epochs  in  the  development  of  those  days 
without,  of  course,  being  able  to  state  with 
certainty  how  far  they  were  recognised  as  such 
by  the  Christians  of  the  period.  Those  which 
are  most  ancient  and  well  known  are  not 
material  to  our  purpose  because  they  date 
before  the  beginning  of  Christian  literature. 
These  are  the  first  origin  of  Christian  com- 
munities outside  Jerusalem,  then  outside 
Palestine ;  the  entrance  of  Gentiles  into  the 
Christian  brotherhood  ;  the  concession  of  free- 
dom from  the  Mosaic  Law  by  the  Jewish 
Christians  to  the  Gentile  Christians ;  the 
passage  of  the  movement  from  the  Oriental 
into  the  Greek  world.  The  times  during 
which  these  steps  were  taken  were  the  years 
of  the  conflict  of  the  new  organism  for  its 
existence  and  for  the  first  stages  of  its  develop- 


Preliminary   Survey  17 

ment.  Such  times  can  spare  no  leisure  for 
literature,  nor  could  literary  effort  be  of  any 
avail :    such  times  demand  action. 

The  next  period  is  one  of  more  peaceful 
development  upon  the  ground  that  had  been 
already  won.  It  is  distinctly  marked  by  the 
death  of  the  leaders  St  Paul,  St  Peter,  and 
St  James,  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh 
decade  of  the  century,  and  by  the  destruction, 
in  70  a.d.,  of  Jerusalem,  the  cradle  and  up  to 
this  time  the  centre  of  the  whole  movement. 
These  two  striking  events,  which  lie  fairly 
near  to  one  another  in  point  of  time,  mark 
the  close  of  the  primitive  epoch — the  epoch  of 
the  heroes,  the  epoch  of  the  Apostles  as  it  was 
afterwards  called,  the  time  when  the  move- 
ment was  confined  within  narrower  limits. 
The  only  New  Testament  writings  which  date 
from  this  period  are  the  epistles  of  St  Paul 
and  the  elements  of  our  Gospels  ;  both  forming, 
of  course,  the  most  precious  treasures  of  the 
whole  early  Christian  literature. 

Wit  bin  the  following  generation  — the  epoch 

2 


i  8      Early  Christian  Literature 

of  the  disciples  of  the  Apostles,  as  it  was 
afterwards  called-  -we  know  of  no  event  which 
forms  a  distinct  historical  landmark. 

This  epoch  again  merges  imperceptibly  into 
the  epoch  of  the  so-called  Apostolic  Fathers. 
The  only  event  known  to  us  which  marks 
this  period  is  one  connected  with  the  external 
relations  of  Christianity — the  outbreak  of  the 
first  systematic  and  wide-spread  persecution  of 
the  new  religion  under  Domitian.  Here,  again, 
we  have  no  certain  knowledge  as  to  the  extent 
of  this  persecution.  However,  such  an  event 
proves  that  the  eyes  of  the  great  world  had 
now  begun  to  watch  the  movement  closely ; 
it  brought,  moreover,  the  Christians  to  clear 
consciousness  of  themselves  as  a  separate  body 
now  about  to  play  a  distinct  part  upon  the 
stage  of  history.  Their  attention  was  now 
more  forcibly  directed  to  their  relationship  to 
society  outside,  and  was  less  focussed  upon 
the  more  intimate  communal  and  spiritual 
questions  which  concerned  themselves  alone. 
This   appreciation    of  the   significance  of  the 


Preliminary   Survey  19 

persecution  of  Domitian,  which  broke  out  in 
different  provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire 
during  the  years  92-96  a.d.,  finds  support  in 
the  history  of  early  Christian  literature  ;  for, 
if  I  rightly  judge,  with  this  period  the  literary 
activity  of  the  Christians  starts  afresh.  At 
least  traces  of  persecution  are  wanting  in  none 
of  the  writings  of  the  second  generation,  and 
all  their  authors  have  a  wide  outlook  over  the 
whole  world. 

We  can  also  distinguish  broadly  between 
the  land  of  origin  of  the  writings  of  the  first 
and  second  generation.  The  authors  of  the 
first  generation  are  Orientals.  To  the  litera- 
ture of  the  second  generation  the  East  makes 
no  further  contribution ;  rather  the  names 
Rome  and  Ephesus  mark  the  home  of  these 
writings. 

It  is  possible  that  all  the  authors  of  the 
New  Testament  writings  were  by  nationality 
Jews,  though  those  of  the  second  generation 
must  have  been  .lews  of  the  dispersion  who 
l»;id    grown    up    under    the    influence    of    the 


20      Early  Christian   Literature 

Graeco-Roman  culture  of  the  Empire.  Only 
in  the  case  of  the  author  of  the  Lukan 
writings  is  it  probable  that  he  was  a  heathen 
by  birth  and  education,  though  before  he 
became  a  Christian  he  must  have  been  in 
some  measure  brought  under  the  influence 
of  Jewish  religious  ideals. 


ST  PAUL 

The  most  striking  and  impressive  character 
among  the  early  Christian  writers  is  the  earliest 
of  them,  the  Apostle  St  Paul.  One  might 
speak  of  him  as  an  author,  for  nothing  that  is 
essential  to  literary  eminence  was  wanting  in 
him,  were  it  not  that  his  personality  was  far 
too  comprehensive  for  such  a  name.  He  was 
above  all  things  a  man  of  force,  a  man  of 
action.  His  nature  drove  him  into  the  world 
of  action  that  he  might  directly  influence  it 
and  transform  it.  He  must  appeal  to  the 
hearts  of  men,  he  must  throw  himself  into 
intimate  fellowship  with  them,  he  must  kindle 
among  them  the  lire  of  enthusiasm  which 
burned  in  his  own  soul,  he  must  with  untiring 
energy  stir  up  the  Hamc  and  fan  it  into  a  blaze 


2  2       Early   Christian   Literature 

with  the  whirlwind  of  his  spirit.  Again,  he 
was  a  man  of  love.  He  must  see  men  eye  to 
eye,  he  must  penetrate  into  the  innermost 
depths  of  their  hearts  ;  he  must  reach  forth  his 
hand  to  them,  and  must  share  with  them  in 
intimate  communion  that  whereof  the  heart 
was  running  over;  he  must  raise  them  from 
their  slough  of  misery,  he  must  save  them. 
Lastly,  he  was  a  man  of  organisation.  He 
purposed  to  create  something  which  would 
stand  fast  in  the  storm  of  evil,  to  build  the 
spiritual  "Temple  of  God."  In  all  lands  he 
must  gather  together  into  a  mighty  people  of 
God  those  whom  God  had  predestined  thereto. 
He  must  prepare  the  world  for  the  coming  of 
the  Lord  of  Glory  and  the  dawn  of  a  new  age. 
In  these  aims  he  must  spend  and  be  spent,  the 
slave  of  his  Lord  and  Master. 

But  he  could  not  be  in  all  places  at  one  and 
the  same  time.  And  so  when  he  was  divided 
from  some  field  of  his  labour  by  long  stretches 
of  sea  and  land,  when  his  heart  was  moved 
by  yearning  for  his  beloved   children,   or  by 


St   Paul  23 

anxiety  whether  they  might  not  suffer  them- 
selves to  be  led  astray,  then  he  would  take  up 
his  pen,  or  (speaking  more  accurately)  would 
call  for  an  amanuensis  and  would  dictate  to 
him  the  meditations,  the  thoughts,  the  plans 
which  moved  his  spirit  and  took  form  within 
his  soul.  Now  and  again  he  himself  may  well 
have  first  drawn  up  a  short  sketch  of  an  epistle. 
For  though  many  passages  of  his  epistles  are 
like  the  sudden  eruption  of  a  volcano,  though  in 
others  there  breathes  the  warmth  and  fragrance 
of  the  intimate  spontaneous  feeling  of  the 
moment,  though  oftentimes  thought  overtakes 
and  confuses  thought  like  wave  upon  wave  so 
that  there  seems  no  room  for  both,  though  many 
a  word  is  slung  forth  for  which  calmer  con- 
sideration would  have  chosen  a  milder  accent, 
still  these  letters  are  occasional  writings  only 
in  the  sense  in  which  Goethe's  poems  can  be 
called  occasional  writings.  They  arc  not 
creations  of  the  moment,  but  in  composition 
and  expression  are  the  fruit  of  most  earnest 
thought   and    of    conscious    literary    art.       St 


24      Early  Christian   Literature 

Paul  wrote  them,  just  as  other  writers  of  his 
days  composed  epistles,  not  only  for  the 
readers  to  which  he  addressed  them,  but  with 
the  thought  of  their  publication  among  a 
much  wider  circle.  Nor  did  he  purpose  to  give 
expression  to  thoughts  born  of  the  moment,  but 
to  eternal  abiding  truths.  And  yet  the  epistles 
are  not  dogmatic  treatises.  They  are  intended 
to  be  read  as  letters  are  read,  not  verse  by  verse, 
not  in  detached  portions,  not  in  sentences  torn 
from  their  context,  but  in  one  connected  read- 
ing. Each  epistle  is  intended  to  take  effect 
as  a  whole. 

For  work  of  this  kind,  Paul  was  qualified 
as  scarcely  another  who  has  used  the  pen. 
His  eloquence,  his  lively  imagination,  his  deep 
and  yet  clear  feeling,  the  keenness,  the 
abounding  wealth,  the  energy  of  his  spirit,  all 
these  made  him  the  creative  genius  that  could 
form  into  intellectual  concepts  and  express  in 
words  the  new  spiritual  experience  which  his 
soul  had  felt  more  deeply  and  keenly  than 
others ;   these   gifts   again  caused   that   every 


St  Paul  25 

note  struck  in  sympathetic  souls  found  in  him 
an  answering  echo.  His  mighty  aims,  his 
grand  ideals,  the  self-overpowering  impulse  of 
his  will,  rapt  him  to  heights  whereon  a  man 
becomes  a  poet.  Nor  can  we  fail  to  note  that 
one  of  such  strong  receptivity  was  not  in  vain 
the  child  of  a  brilliant  epoch  of  culture  and 
brought  up  at  one  of  its  chief  seats.  He  also 
loves,  like  the  authors  of  his  times,  that  rhythm 
of  style  for  which  his  taste  had  been  sharpened 
by  the  language  of  the  prophets  of  his  nation. 
Whole  sections  of  his  epistles  can  be  divided 
into  short  complete  lines,  like  poetry  in  prose. 
He  is  a  master  of  rhetorical  climax.  At 
supreme  points  his  style  becomes  lyric.  He 
is  fond  of  developing  a  thesis  in  the  form  of  a 
dialogue.  He  is  fond  of  putting  religious 
statements,  and  more  especially  ethical  prin- 
ciples, in  short  epigrammatic  shape.  He  has 
a    predilection     lor    paradox,    for    enigmatic 

sentences,  such  as  kk  When  I  am  weak  then  am 
I  strong."  These  are  all  refinements  of  style 
which  were  generally  admired  in  those  days. 


26      Early  Christian   Literature 

Moreover,  the  well-balanced  arrangement  of 
the  greater  epistles  betrays  knowledge  of,  and 
sure  practice  in,  the  rules  for  the  composition 
of  a  discourse  which  were  established  in  the 
schools  of  rhetoric. 

And  yet  his  strong  sense  of  the  sacredness 
of  his  mission  and  of  the  solemn  import  of  the 
signs  of  the  times,  all  telling  of  a  great  crisis 
in  the  world's  history,  of  the  great  catastrophe 
now  at  hand — this  together  with  the  conviction 
that  he  stood  forth  in  the  service  of  the 
Messiah,  the  Saviour  and  Judge  of  the  world — 
preserved  St  Paul  from  all  parade  of  rhetoric, 
from  every  empty  word,  from  all  vain  delight 
in  beauty  of  form  and  loftiness  of  tone.  With 
him  is  to  be  found  no  empty  pathos,  no 
affected  phraseology,  no  sounding  brass,  no 
tinkling  cymbal. 

And  though  time  has  caused  large  passages 
of  the  epistles  to  become  quite  alien  to  the 
thought  of  our  days,  still  these  letters  of  the 
mighty  genius,  who  has  left  the  impress  of  his 
spirit  upon  a  new  world  of  thought  and  feeling, 


St  Paul  27 

are,  taken  as  a  whole  and  judged  simply  from 
the  literary  standpoint,  splendid  achievements 
of  human  literature  of  which  we  can  say,  more 
truly  than  of  the  dialogues  of  Plato  and  the 
odes  of  Pindar,  that  they  never  grow  old. 


1.  The   First   Epistle   to   the 
Thessalonians. 

So  far  as  we  can  judge  from  the  genuine 
letters  that  have  come  down  to  us,  the  literary 
activity  of  the  great  Christian  missionary  first 
begins  with  the  entrance  of  the  mission  into 
Hellas,  in  the  restricted  sense  of  the  word, 
which  at  that  time  included  all  the  lands 
bordering  on  the  Mgean  Sea.  There  is,  more- 
oxer,  no  reason  to  suppose  that  St  Paul  wrote 
epistles  during  his  missionary  work  in  the 
East  and  in  central  Asia  Minor,  seeing  that 
such  letters  must  then  have  vanished  from 
notice  at  an  early  date.  With  Damascus, 
where  he  began  his  work  (GaL  i.  17;  Ads  ix. 
r>  25),  he  never,  so  far  ;is  we  know,  renewed 


28       Early   Christian   Literature 

his  connection.  During  the  following  eleven 
years  of  activity  in  Syria  and  Cilicia  (Gal.  i. 
21),  with  Antioch  as  a  centre  (Acts  xi.  26/!), 
the  facilities  for  travel  might  well  preclude  all 
need  for  epistolary  intercourse.  After  he  had 
left  Syria  (Acts  xiii.  1  f.)  he  would  scarcely 
have  had  any  motive  for  writing  thither,  since, 
according  to  Acts  xiii.  1,  there  was  in  that 
land  no  lack  of  leading  men  whom  it  was 
quite  against  his  principles  to  address  from  a 
distance.  And  though  St  Paul  during  the 
period  of  the  Greek  mission  wrote  once 
under  especially  pressing  circumstances  to  the 
Galatian  communities,  we  have  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  he  had  already  done  the  same 
thing  once  before,  and  that  while  the  later  letter 
has  been  preserved  the  first  has  vanished. 
We  may  therefore  assume  that  the  earliest 
letter  of  St  Paul  that  has  come  down  to  us  is 
also  the  first  that  he  composed. 

This  document,  addressed  by  St  Paul  to  the 
Christian  community  of  the  Thessalonians, 
among  all  his  epistles  to  various  churches  has 


St   Paul  29 

most  strongly  the  character  of  a  real  letter — 
i.e.  an  unpremeditated  outpouring  of  the  heart 
as  distinct  from  a  literary  publication  in 
epistolary  form  for  which  some  considerable 
period  of  preparatory  thought  is  required. 
Thus  it  is  also  the  shortest  of  all  the  letters, 
and  is  accordingly  placed  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment at  the  end  of  the  collection  of  St 
Paul's  ecclesiastical  epistles,  which  are  there 
arranged  in  order  of  their  length.  In  a  certain 
sense  the  most  delightful,  at  all  events  the 
least  theological  of  the  epistles,  it  makes  the 
smallest  demand  upon  the  intellect  of  the 
reader. 

This,  the  first  letter  composed  by  the 
Apostle,  is  addressed  to  the  Church  of  Thes- 
salonica  —the  present  Salonica — the  most  im- 
portant of  the  cities  visited  by  him  in  the 
province  of  Macedonia,  the  first  purely  (ireek 
province  to  which  lie  had  carried  the  message 
of  the  GospeL  As  he  writes  to  these  Thes- 
salonians  lie  is  absorbed  in  the  thronging 
memories  of  his  mission  among  them.     The 


30       Early   Christian   Literature 

bright,  fresh  enthusiasm  of  the  new-born  Church 
is  reflected  in  the  picture  which  the  Apostle 
draws  with  the  love  wherewith  a  mother 
speaks  of  her  first  child.  He  calls  the  Thes- 
salonian  Church  his  pride  and  his  joy  (ii.  20). 
He  had  only  lately  founded  it  during  a  stay 
counted  only  by  weeks.  We  know,  from  the 
Acts,  that  he  had  begun  in  the  Synagogue 
to  preach  the  Messiah  who  had  appeared  in 
Jesus  ;  that  the  Jews  did  not  accept  his  teach- 
ing, and  expelled  him  from  the  Synagogue, 
while  the  Gentile  clients  of  the  Synagogue 
showed  themselves  approving  and  sympathetic 
to  an  astounding  degree,  and  accepted  the 
Gospel,  as  he  says  in  his  letter,  amid  much 
persecution  and  with  joy  of  the  Holy 
Ghost. 

The  Church  was  scarcely  established  when 
his  zeal  drove  him  onwards  to  Athens  and 
then  to  Corinth,  the  centre  at  that  time  of  the 
Hellenic  world.  Hut  he  looked  backwards 
with  a  yearning  heart.  He  felt  as  if  bereft  of 
his    children    (ii.    17).     He    must    know    how 


St   Paul  31 

they  fare  now  that  they  are  left  to  themselves. 
He  had  heard,  besides,  that  they  were  being 
persecuted  by  their  fellow-countrymen  (ii.  14). 
He  wished  to  hasten  to  them  himself,  but  it 
was  not  permitted  him  (ii.  18).  In  his  anxiety 
he  sent  to  them  Timotheus,  his  younger  fellow- 
labourer,  although  he  must  thus  be  left  alone 
in  Athens  with  Silvanus  (hi.  1-5).  Now 
Timotheus  has  brought  him  good  tidings ; 
they  persevere  in  faith,  they  desire  greatly  to 
see  him  as  he  also  to  see  them  (iii.  6-8).  His 
suspense  is  over.  His  heart  is  full  of  joy  and 
thankfulness  (iii.  9);  only  the  yearning  to  see 
them  again  still  remains  (iii.  10).  He  must  tell 
them  all  these  emotions  of  his  soul.  And 
yet  although  these  first  three  chapters,  so  full 
of  fervent  affection,  might  seem  but  the  out- 
burst of  an  overflowing  heart,  still  in  writing 
them  the  greal  pastor  of  souls  has  his  own  pur- 
pose in  view.  The  words  in  which  he  reminds 
them  of  the  first  beginnings  of  their  Church 
(i.  2  10)  are  intended  to  warn  and  encourage 
his  converts  t»>  abide  faithful  to  this   their   past 


32      Early  Christian   Literature 

history.  The  sketches  he  gives  of  his  activity 
among  them  (ii.  1-16)  are  meant  to  secure  his 
memory  from  all  detraction  and  slander. 
And  what  he  says  concerning  their  fellowship 
and  mutual  yearning  one  for  another  (ii.  17- 
iii.  12)  is  intended  to  knit  together  this  fellow- 
ship in  bonds,  if  possible,  yet  stronger  and  more 
intimate.  But  the  greeting  itself  (iii.  13), 
which  concludes  this  section  of  the  epistle, 
hints  at  many  other  things  which  lay  upon 
his  heart  to  say  to  them.  He  proceeds,  there- 
fore, in  a  new  section  (iv.  1-v.  11),  which  is  in- 
troduced as  a  concluding  note.  He  is  anxious 
about  full  sanctification  of  life  among  these 
Greek  converts,  especially  in  the  face  of  the  cus- 
tomary immorality  and  want  of  honour  (iv.  1-8). 
Next  he  warns  them  to  earn  their  bread  by 
honest  labour :  a  warning  which  was  necessary 
in  presence  of  the  enthusiastic  spirit  of  detach- 
ment from  earthly  things  wherewith  Christians 
looked  forward  to  the  approaching  end  of  the 
world  (iv.  0-12).  Then  he  comforts  their 
hearts  concerning  deaths  which  had  occurred 


St  Paul  33 

in  the  community,  he  depicts  in  the  boldest 
imagery  how  the  dead  also  will  have  a  share 
in  the  glory  to  come  (iv.  13- v.  3).  Then 
playing  upon  the  double  meaning  of  "  sleep  " 
and  "  night,"  and  passing  therewith  to  the 
thought  of  those  sleeping  in  unbelief,  he  de- 
picts his  Christian  converts  as  children  of 
light,  as  watchful  veteran  soldiers  girt  with 
the  breastplate  of  faith  and  of  love  and  having 
as  helmet  the  hope  of  salvation  (v.  4-10). 
With  the  mention  of  these  three  virtues  he 
returns,  as  it  were,  to  the  beginning  (i.  3)  and 
concludes  this  beautiful  epistle  with  one  of 
those  strings  of  short  exhortations  like  glitter- 
ing diamonds,  which  he  can  compose  with  a 
master's  hand : — 

"  Admonish  the  disorderly,  encourage  the 
faint-hearted,  support  the  weak,  be  long  suffer- 
ing toward  all.  See  that  none  render  unto 
any  one  evil  for  evil  ;  but  alway  follow  after 
that  which  is  good,  one  toward  another,  and 
toward  all.  Rejoice  alway  ;  pray  without  ceas- 
ing; in  everything  give  thanks.     Quench  not 

•'5 


34      Early   Christian   Literature 

the  spirit ;  despise  not  prophesyings  ;  prove  all 
things ;  hold  fast  that  which  is  good  ;  abstain 
from  every  form  of  evil.  And  the  God  of  peace 
himself  sanctify  you  wholly;  and  may  your 
spirit  and  soul  and  body  be  preserved  entire, 
without  blame  at  the  coming  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  Faithful  is  He  that  calleth  you 
who  will  also  do  it. 

"  Brethren  pray  for  us,  greet  all  the  brethren 
with  an  holy  kiss.  I  adjure  you  by  the  Lord 
that  this  epistle  be  read  unto  all  the  brethren. 

"  The  Grace  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  be 
with  you." 

No  other  of  St  Paul's  epistles  is  in  its  origin 
so  independent  of  external  circumstances  and 
events  as  this.  In  it  we  see  the  Apostle  give 
free  course  to  his  own  true  nature.  From  this 
epistle  we  learn  what  was  the  essential  charac- 
ter of  this  herald  of  a  new  world,  what  was 
the  inward  heart  of  his  gospel ;  we  learn  how 
simple,  how  grand  were  the  conceptions  that 
formed  the  sacred  shrine  round  which  he 
gathered  men,  wearied  and  satiated  in  soul,  into 


St  Paul  35 

a  fellowship  inspired  with  hope  for  the  future  ; 
we  know  the  glorious  truths  that  occupied 
his  discourse  when  he  was  not  compelled  to 
guard  his  glad  tidings  from  misunderstand- 
ing or  to  justify  it  against  objections,  but 
might  speak  as  a  father  speaks  with  his  chil- 
dren. St  Paul,  whom  we  so  easily  represent  to 
ourselves  as  a  theologian  weighed  down  with 
profound  thought  and  immersed  in  controversy, 
here  shows  himself  in  his  inmost  character  of 
simple  noble  humanity. 

2.  The  Epistles  to  the  Corinthians. 

Tijkss  aj.onka  was  a  provincial  town.  The 
epistles  to  the  Corinthians  introduce  us  to  a 
capital  city,  the  metropolis  of  the  Greek  life  of 
those  days.  We  take,  as  it  were,  our  stand 
upon  the  bridge  that  had  only  lately  been  built 
between  the  Bast  and  West  of  those  days, 
along  which  passed  the  commerce,  upon  which 
met  the  nations  of  the  world.  Nowhere  else 
in  the  New  Testament  are  we  afforded  such  an 


36      Early   Christian   Literature 

insight  into  the  scene  of  spiritual  turmoil  stirred 
up  at  the  appearance  of  the  Gospel,  into  the 
multitude  of  burning  questions  that  demanded 
an  answer,  into  the  bitter  controversies  which 
required  healing,  into  the  struggle  of  the  new 
spirit  towards  right  and  complete  development. 
Moreover,  St  Paul  shows  in  these  epistles  so 
true  and  so  firm  a  grasp  of  the  whole  situation 
that  they  become  historical  authorities  of  the 
first  rank,  the  like  of  which  we  scarcely  possess 
in  the  whole  range  of  human  literature.  They 
are  documents  which  enable  posterity  to  attain 
to  a  living  and  clear  conception  of  the  primi- 
tive development  of  Christianity  in  the  Greek 
world  such  as  would  have  been  absolutely 
impossible  without  them. 

Moreover,  the  personality  of  the  Apostle 
so  stands  forth  in  this  stormy  scene  that  it 
displays  itself  to  us  in  its  complete,  even 
colossal,  grandeur  and  strength.  Ever  in 
restless  movement,  undaunted  by  difficulty,  in 
continual  feud  with  all  that  seemed  to  him 
wrong,  full  of  vehement  passion,  he  fights  with 


St  Paui  37 

all  the  weapons  of  his  gifted  nature — only 
never  with  dishonour — with  keen  understand- 
ing, with  enthusiastic  fervour,  with  cutting 
irony,  with  affectionate  heart-piercing  appeal. 

Now  he  rages  with  the  voice  of  the  storm, 
again  he  breathes  in  gentle  whispers ;  now  he 
paints  in  bold  dashes  of  colour,  again  he  draws 
the  line  sharp  and  clear ;  now  he  strikes  his 
readers  to  the  ground,  again  he  sweeps  them 
away  in  sympathy  with  him ;  now  he  claims 
for  himself  absolute  authority,  again  he  wishes 
only  to  be  the  helper  of  their  joy.  Yet  he  has 
throughout  but  one  aim — the  business  of  his 
.Master,  the  salvation  of  the  souls  of  men. 

The  richest  in  content  and  the  most  impor- 
tant of  his  letters  addressed  to  Corinth  is  the 
epistle  to  the  Corinthians  called  in  our  collec- 
tion "the  first,"  which  St  Paul  wrote  in 
Ephcsiis  during  liis  three  years'  mission  there, 
and  after  his  foundation  of  the  Corinthian 
Church  during  a  stay  of  one  and  a  half  years 
in  Corinth.    Many  circumstances  liad  combined 

to  incite  the  Apostle  to  the  composition  of  an 


3^       Early  Christian   Literature 

epistle  so  comprehensive  and  so  general  in  its 
address.  The  letter  itself  makes  this  plain  for 
us.  In  the  first  place,  a  case  of  grievous  moral 
obliquity  had  occurred  in  the  community,  a  re- 
lapse into  the  immorality  of  Corinth  which  was 
infamous  throughout  the  whole  world.  This 
had  occurred  in  the  past,  and  had  come  to  the 
ears  of  the  Apostle  some  time  previously.  He 
had  at  once  sent  to  the  community  a  short 
letter  of  sharp  rebuke  and  strict  advice — a  letter 
which  does  not  seem  to  have  been  preserved 
by  the  Corinthians,  and  has  not,  therefore,  come 
down  to  us.  Probably  a  passage  inserted  in 
our  second  epistle  to  the  Corinthians  (ii.  Cor. 
vi.  4-vii.  1),  a  passage  which  in  tone  and 
contents  is  out  of  harmony  with  its  present 
context,  is  a  remnant  of  the  mildest  part 
of  this  letter.  However,  in  spite  of  this 
apostolic  remonstrance,  the  scandal  was  not 
dealt  with  so  strictly  as  St  Paul  demanded. 
He  was  compelled,  therefore,  to  intervene 
again  (1  Cor.  v.— vi.)  with  stern  reproach,  in 
order,  as   he  declares,  to  preserve  the  purity 


St  Paul  39 

of  the  Temple  of  God.  For,  he  reminds 
them  in  words  of  denunciation,  "  a  little 
leaven  leaveneth  the  whole  lump."  "  Know 
ye  not  that  your  body  is  a  temple  of  the 
Holy  Ghost  which  dwelleth  in  you  ?  glorify 
God  therefore  in  your  body"  (vi.  19/!).  So 
runs  his  warning. 

Further,  he  had  heard  through  certain 
Corinthian  Christians  belonging  to  the  house- 
hold of  one  Chloe  who  had  paid  him  a  visit 
(i.  11)  that  the  Corinthian  Church  was  in 
danger  of  division  into  opposing  sects.  "  I  am 
of  Paul,"  "  I  am  of  Apollos,"  "  I  am  of  Peter," 
"  I  am  of  Christ  " — so  rang  the  confused  cry 
of  opposing  watchwords  (i.  17).  This  meant 
danger,  as  St  Paul  at  once  recognised  and 
emphasised,  not  only  to  the  community  but  to 
the  very  existence  of  Christianity.  He  there- 
fore, with  the  most  refined  spiritual  discrimina- 
tion, deals  first  with  this  question  (chaps,  i.  -iv.). 
The  spiritual  pride  which  incites  the  Corinthian 
Christians  to  mutual  conflict  and  quarrel  is  most 
effectually   abased   by   later   reference  to  the 


40       Early   Christian   Literature 

scandal  which  they  with  one  accord  suffer  to 
exist  in  their  midst.  In  impassioned  tones, 
and  yet  with  magnificent  clarity  of  insight,  the 
Apostle  combats  this  characteristically  Hellenic 
love  of  clique  and  tendency  to  hero-worship. 
"Let  no  one  glory  in  men,"  he  cries  (in.  21). 
He  deals  first  with  the  question  as  it  affects 
himself  personally.  "Was  Paul  crucified  for 
you  {  Were  ye  baptised  into  the  name  of 
Paul "  (i.  13)  ?  What  avails  the  wisdom  of 
any  man  ?  The  message  of  the  Cross  is  ever 
foolishness  in  the  judgment  of  man's  wisdom 
(i.  18).  But  this  crucified  Christ  is  the  power 
of  God  and  the  wisdom  of  God  to  all  who  trust 
in  Him.  What  eye  hath  not  seen  nor  ear  hath 
heard  neither  hath  entered  into  the  heart  of 
man — what  God  hath  prepared  for  those 
that  love  Him,  this  God  has  now  revealed 
by  the  Spirit  (ii.  9  /.).  Therefore  can 
no  man  lay  any  other  foundation  than  that 
which  is  laid — Jesus  Christ.  Let  each  take 
heed  what  he  builds  thereon  (iii.  10  /!).  "  All 
things  are  yours  ;  whether  Paul,  or  A  polios,  or 


St  Paul  41 

Cephas,  or  the  world,  or  life,  or  death,  or  things 
present  or  things  to  come  ;  all  are  yours  ;  and 
ye  are  Christ's  ;  and  Christ  is  God's  (iii.  22/1). 
As  for  us,  let  no  man  account  us  aught  else 
than  ministers  of  Christ  and  stewards  of  the 
mysteries  of  God"  (iv.  1).  These  are  the 
noble  thoughts  which  he  opposes  to  the  narrow- 
mindedness  of  the  Corinthian  converts. 

St  Paul  had  besides  heard  much  else 
concerning  the  life  of  the  community,  more 
particularly  concerning  the  conduct  of  their 
public  gatherings.  Here  again  he  refers  to 
reports  brought  him  probably  by  the  three 
persons  mentioned  by  name  in  xvi.  15-17, 
who  are,  perhaps,  the  same  as  those  called 
in  i.  11  the  people  of  Chloe.  In  addition 
to  these  verbal  reports,  a  letter  asking  him 
questions  of  all  kinds,  and  conveyed  to  him 
perhaps  by  these  same  three  men,  had  arrived 
from  the  community  itself.  The  object  of  the 
second  part  of  his  epistle,  from  chap.  vii.  on- 
wards, is  to  answer  these  questions  and  at  the 
same  time  to  settle  the  other  matters  of  which 


42       Early   Christian   Literature 

he  had  heard.  We  can  only  give  the  heads 
of  this  discussion.  I  n  the  first  place  he  settles 
the  question  of  marriage,  which  seems  to 
have  been  a  burning  question  for  many 
Corinthians.  First  of  all,  whether  Christians 
should  marry  at  all  (vii.  1-9,  25-38) ;  next, 
whether  marriage  ought  not  to  be  dissolved 
when  one  of  the  parties  to  the  compact  would 
not  become  a  Christian  (10-24).  Although  in 
the  counsel  that  St  Paul  gives  in  answer  to  the 
first  query,  always  under  the  conviction  that 
the  end  of  the  world  was  near  at  hand,  we 
miss  a  full  appreciation  of  the  ethical  import  of 
marriage,  still  in  his  decided  rejection  of  every 
idea  of  divorce,  and  in  the  reason  he  gives  for 
his  rejection,  he  shows  how  highly  he  thinks 
of  the  sanctity  and  sanctifying  power  of 
wedded  life.  A  second  question,  which  is 
handled  at  much  greater  length  (chaps,  viii.-x.), 
gives  us  an  inkling  of  the  tremendous  breach 
with  customs  of  social  and  family  life  which 
was  the  consequence  of  the  acceptance  of 
the    new   faith.     It    is   the   question   whether 


St  Paul  43 

Christians  might  eat  flesh  which  had  been 
offered  on  a  heathen  altar,  and  might  take 
part  in  a  heathen  sacrificial  feast.  St  Paul 
allows  the  first  practice,  but  forbids  the 
second.  This  whole  passage  affords  a  brilliant 
witness  to  the  lofty  principle,  the  delicacy  of 
feeling  and  consideration,  shown  by  St  Paul 
in  his  handling  of  such  questions.  It  is  a 
typical  example  of  the  perfect  combination  of 
complete  inward  freedom  with  strenuous  self- 
subjection  to  the  conscientious  feelings  of  the 
brethren.  The  next  section,  of  still  greater 
length  (chaps,  xi.-xiv.),  deals  with  various 
questions  concerning  the  life  of  the  community 
itself  and  the  relation  of  its  members  one  to 
another.  Here  we  are  afforded  a  view, 
unique  in  clearness  of  detail,  of  a  genuine 
primitive  Christian  church,  the  embryo,  so 
to  speak,  of  the  whole  development  of 
Christianity.  St  Paul  first  regulates  the 
conduct  and  position  of  women  in  the  public 
assembly  of  the  Church  (xi.  '2-1 6).  Then  he 
deals   with   scandals  that    had   occurred   at  the 


44      Early   Christian   Literature 

celebrations  of  the  Lord's  Supper,  and 
expounds  his  view  of  the  signification  of  this 
rite  (xi.  17-34).  Finally,  he  gives  a  detailed 
classification  and  valuation  of  the  various 
spiritual  gifts  which  manifested  themselves  in 
rich  abundance  at  these  public  assemblies. 
Here,  again,  he  raises  the  whole  detailed 
discussion  to  a  higher  plane  as  he  confronts 
this  multitude  of  extraordinary  spiritual  gifts 
with  love  the  highest  of  them  all,  and  sings  its 
praise  in  a  hymn  which  is  indeed  the  noblest 
in  feeling  and  expression  that  has  come  from 
the  heart  of  man  (chap.  xiii.).  We  must  note, 
moreover,  the  sobriety  of  mind  with  which 
St  Paul  restrains  within  due  bounds  the  extrav- 
agant pretensions  of  those  in  whom  was  mani- 
fested that  strange  phenomenon,  the  so-called 
speaking  with  tongues.  In  the  following  section 
(chap,  xv.),  and  from  a  motive  similar  to  that 
which  moved  him  in  the  epistle  to  the  Thessa- 
lonians,  he  gives  a  long  explanation  of  his  views 
concerning  the  Resurrection  of  the  dead  and 
eternal  life,  wherein  we  gain  wondrous  glimpses 


St  Paul  45 

into  the  scheme  of  religious  and  philosophic 
thought  which  the  Apostle  had  constructed 
for  himself  out  of  the  ideas  of  his  times.  A 
series  of  verses  relating  to  personal  matters, 
which  give  us  some  idea  of  the  living  character 
of  the  fellowship  which  existed  between  St 
Paul  and  his  converts,  and  a  greeting  written 
by  the  Apostle's  own  hand,  bring  to  a  con- 
clusion an  epistle  which  is  the  most  important 
historical  authority  for  the  life  and  character 
of  the  early  Christian  communities. 

There  is  however  one  other  thing  which  is 
brought  out  into  the  clearest  light  by  this 
epistle,  and  that  is  the  wonderful  power  St  Paul 
possessed  of  accommodating  himself  to  others. 
The  man,  who  yields  not  one  iota  of  his  sincere 
convictions,  who  fights  like  a  lion  when  in  his 
person  his  apostleship  is  attacked,  who  with 
his  whole  soul  loves  his  own  nation  and  is 
thoroughly  imbued  with  the  conviction  of  its 
superiority  as  the  ancient  people  of  (•<»<!  —this 
same  man,  when  here  brought  into  contact 
with  Greek  life,  knows  how  to  fee]  like  a  Greek 


46      Early  Christian  Literature 

(cf.  ix.  24-27)  and  to  enter  into  Greek  ideas 
with  sympathy  so  wide  and  so  delicate  that 
this  letter  is  the  noblest  instance  of  his  wide- 
hearted  maxim  "to  be  all  things  to  all  men " 
(ix.  19-22).  Here  the  Hebrew  of  the  Hebrews 
(Phil.  iii.  5)  becomes  to  the  Greeks  a  Greek 
and  yet  remains  himself. 

*?r  tP  *  w  w 

We  know  nothing  of  the  effect  produced 
by  the  letter  as  regards  the  two  most 
burning  of  the  questions  with  which  it  dealt. 
Between  it  and  St  Paul's  correspondence  with 
Corinth,  preserved  for  us  in  the  so-called 
Second  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  lie  various 
events ;  but  we  do  not  see  them  all  in  clear 
outline  and  connection.  It  is  supposed  by 
many  that  St  Paul  himself  had  in  the  mean- 
while  paid  a  visit  to  Corinth,  but  the  passages 
which  are  brought  forward  to  support  this  view 
(ii.  1  ;  xiii.  1  /!  ;  i.  23,  1G)  are  by  no  means 
convincing,  nor  is  there  any  other  testimony 
that  such  a  visit  ever  took  place.  On  the  other 
hand  it  is  certain  that  St  Paul,  moved  by  some 


St  Paul  47 

occurrence  of  which  he  had  heard  and  which 
grieved  him  most  bitterly,  addressed  a  letter  to 
Corinth  (ii.  4-9)  while  he  was  still  at  Ephesus. 
It  was  sent  by  the  hands  of  Titus,  one  of 
his  missionary  comrades,  while  the  Apostle 
himself  under  these  circumstances  postponed 
for  a  time  the  visit  to  Corinth  which  he 
had  long  purposed  to  make  (i.  15  f. ;  i.  23— ii.  3). 
In  the  meantime  he  had  been  compelled  to 
leave  Ephesus  (i.  8-11).  He  had  reached 
Troas,  and  tortured  by  anxiety  had  continued 
his  journey  towards  Macedonia  to  meet  Titus 
(ii.  12  f. ;  vii.  5).  There  he  found  his  messenger, 
who  was  able  to  impart  to  him  the  joyful  news 
of  the  complete  success  of  his  mission.  In  an 
ecstasy  of  happiness  St  Paul  at  once  writes  to 
the  Corinthians  the  letter  which  lies  before  us, 
in  which— at  least  as  far  as  chapter  ix.,  with 
chapter  xiii.  11—18  as  conclusion — traces  only 
of  the  trouble  that  had  past  appear  like  distant 
flashes  <>('  lightning  when  the  storm  has  gone 
by  and  left  the  sky  serene  (i.  17/!  ;  ii.  <J  8,  17  ; 
iii.  1    7  ;  ii.  1  V).     Titus  again  is  the  messenger. 


48       Early   Christian   Literature 

and  as  a  sign  of  the  mutual  confidence  now 
re-established  he  is  commanded  to  bring  to 
a  conclusion  the  collection  of  alms  for  the 
Christians  of  Jerusalem,  already  referred  to  in 
1  Cor.  xvi.  1-4.  This  matter  is  again  discussed 
in  a  tone  of  incomparable  nobility  in  chapters 
viii.-ix.  The  preceding  portion,  chaps,  i.-vii., 
forming  the  letter  proper,  is  wanting  in  clear 
arrangement.  In  close  similarity  to  the  first 
section  of  the  First  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians 
(chaps,  i.-iii.)  it  is  a  continual  ebb  and  flow  of 
feelings  and  thoughts  round  the  theme  of  the 
complete  and  comprehensive  vindication  of  the 
apostolic  mission  of  the  writer,  a  theme  which 
again  and  again  makes  its  appearance  in  the 
epistle  (i.  12-14).  After  the  introduction 
(i.-ii.),  wherein  the  Apostle  gives  free  rein 
to  expression  of  joy  and  to  the  memory  of 
the  events  of  the  near  past,  the  epistle  may  be 
divided  into  three  sections  according  to  the 
general  trend  of  thought  in  each  :  ( 1 )  The 
justification  of  his  preaching  (iii.  1-iv.  6); 
(2)  The  justification  of  his  heavy  misfortunes 


St  Paul  49 

(iv.  7-v.  10) ;  (3)  The  justification  of  his  course 
of  action  (v.  11-vi.  10);  then  follows  the  con- 
clusion (xiii.  11-13),  like  a  rainbow  of  peace 
over  the  whole,  forming  perhaps  the  most 
beautiful  of  all  those  final  greetings  with 
which  St  Paul  concludes  his  epistles. 

In  this  epistle  we  view  the  mighty  person- 
ality of  the  Apostle  in  continual  movement, 
illuminated  by  sudden  flashes  of  light  and 
ever  from  a  new  standpoint.  We  feel  the 
quick  beating  of  his  heart.  It  is  as  though 
his  voice  trembles  with  emotion  as  he  speaks. 
We  learn  all  the  secrets  of  that  storm-tossed 
soul — what  depresses  it  to  despondency,  what 
elevates  it  with  joy,  what  brings  to  it  the 
blessing  of  peace.  This  letter  is  the  richest  of 
all  in  personal  confession,  which  often  proceeds 
from  unfathomable  depths  of  the  soul.  The 
Apostle  has  here  left  a  memorial  of  himself 
in  which  his  personality  stands  forth  clearly 
before  our  very  eyes. 

tt  'ff  :Jr  'W  * 

Hut     have      we      really     lost     the     pre- 

4 


50      Early  Christian  Literature 

\  ions  letter  sent  to  Corinth  with  Titus  ? 
According  to  St  Paul's  own  confession,  this 
letter,  written  with  passion  and  sternness,  must 
have  given  great  pain  to  its  readers.  This, 
however,  was  the  result  intended  (ii.  4-6 ; 
vii.  8-10).  Now  that  his  purpose  is  attained 
the  Apostle  formally  retracts  the  tone  of  this 
letter  (ii.  10 ;  vii.  7-12).  It  may  be  shown 
with  the  highest  degree  of  probability  that  this 
letter  has  come  down  to  us  in  2  Cor.  x.  1- 
xiii.  10).  This  passage  agrees  neither  in  form 
nor  in  content  with  the  nine  chapters  which 
precede  it.  Throughout  these  the  whole  tone 
is  restful,  and  St  Paul,  though  deeply  moved, 
is  in  a  gentler  mood.  Here  he  is  stirred  with 
emotion  quite  bitter  in  its  intensity.  There 
is  war  between  himself  and  the  Corinthian 
community.  He  defends  himself  with  the 
strongest  weapons  against  grievous,  insulting 
charges.  These  charges  proceed  from  definite 
personages,  whom  he  combats  with  the  most 
reckless  disclosure  of  their  follies.  They  are 
Jews  by  birth,  who.  setting  themselves  up  for 


St  Paul  51 

apostles,  have  thrust  themselves  into  St  Paul's 
field  of  apostolic  labour  (xi.  22.  5;  xii.  11  ;  x. 
13-16).  They  boast  of  their  personal  preroga- 
tives and  their  successes  (x.  12  f.,  15  f. ;  xi.  18, 
22  f.).  St  Paul,  however,  calls  them  false 
apostles,  even  ministers  of  Satan  (xi.  13-15,  3). 
He  reproaches  them  with  pulling  down  instead 
of  building  up  (x.  3 ;  xiii.  10).  We  are  not 
clearly  told  wherein  they  found  authority  for 
their  action ;  not  even  whether  they  appealed 
to  the  original  apostles — certainly  not  that 
they  claimed  personal  knowledge  of  Jesus  of 
Nazareth.  But  their  intention  is  clear.  They 
bring,  as  St  Paul  says,  another  Gospel,  they 
preach  another  Jesus  (xi.  3  /!).  They  boast  of 
themselves  as  Christians  in  a  peculiar  sense 
(x.  7).  Although  they  say  nothing  of  circum- 
cision, of  the  Sabbath,  of  rules  concerning 
meats,  yet  it  is  unmistakable  that  their  aims 
lie  in  this  direction.  As  the  principal  means 
for  attaining  their  end  they  employ  calumny 
against  the  person  of  Si  Paul  lie  is  rude  in 
speech  (xi.  <»  ;  x.  10),  weak  when  lie  is  present, 


52      Early  Christian  Literature 

bold  only  at  a  distance — only  in  his  letters 
(x.  9/,  1-4  ;  xi.  21).  His  sufferings,  his  weak 
health  are  brought  up  against  him  (xii.  If.). 
In  his  refusal  of  the  means  of  support  they 
see  an  admission  that  he  did  not  feel  secure  in 
his  apostolic  claims  (xi.  1-2,  7;  xii.  13-16). 
Suspicion  is  even  thrown  upon  his  motives  in 
making  the  collection  for  the  Christians  of  Jer- 
usalem. Nor  did  the  calumniators  meet  with 
slight  success.  St  Paul's  authority  began  to 
waver,  the  loving  memory  of  him  in  the  heart 
of  his  converts  becomes  overcast  by  suspicions. 
The  Corinthians  submit  themselves  to  the 
domination  and  to  the  cupidity  of  these  people 
( xi.  20, 3/ ).  With  St  Paul,  it  was  a  fight  for  life 
or  death  as  the  father  of  the  Church  of  Corinth. 
Therefore  he  has  no  mercy  with  his  opponents 
as  he  remorselessly  brings  into  play  the  sharpest 
weapons  of  his  rhetoric.  But  he  also  discloses 
to  them  the  innermost  secrets  of  his  heart,  and 
so  upon  the  raging  battlefield  there  arises  in 
this  epistle  before  our  very  eyes  a  noble  and  a 
sacred  temple.     Here  also  there  is  no  attempt 


St  Paul  S3 

at  exact  arrangement  of  thought.  Indeed, 
the  emotion  of  the  Apostle  would  have  broken 
through  all  such  limitations.  However,  we 
may  say  that  the  first  part  of  the  letter 
(x.  1-xii.  18)  chiefly  aims  at  the  defence  of  the 
Apostle's  personal  position,  while  the  second 
part  (xii.  19-xiii.  10)  aims  at  stirring  up  and 
sharpening  the  conscience  of  the  Corinthians. 

That  the  Apostle,  after  his  proclamation  of 
peace  in  chaps,  i.-ix.,  should  deliver  yet  again 
a  challenge  to  the  same  conflict — that  the 
same  Paul,  whose  heart  in  these  chapters  is 
overflowing  with  joy,  should  still  be  so  full  of 
bitterness — seems  impossible,  and  the  more  so 
when  we  consider  that  the  tone  and  contents  of 
the  last  four  chapters  exactly  suit  that  letter 
whose  complete  success  brought  to  St  Paul  the 
heartfelt  happiness  spoken  of  in  2  Cor.  i.  ix. 
Indeed  the  remarks  of  chaps,  i.  ix.,  in  which  we 
trace,  as  it  were,  the  final  quivering  of  a  si  ress  of 
soul  which  is  now  to  be  forgotten  (v.  18;  iii.  1  ; 
v.  12;  i.  12,  17;  iv.  8;  iv.  7  f. ;  vi.  44  //'.), 
can  only  be  properly  interpreted  from  chaps. 


54      Early   Christian   Literature 

x.-xiii.,  and  appear  in  their  right  light  only  if 
this  clearer  and  more  definite  treatment  of  the 
points  at  issue  had  preceded  them.  And  the 
notice  (2  Cor.  viii.  6),  from  which  we  learn  that 
Titus  had  already  once  before  been  entrusted 
with  the  supervision  of  the  collection  of  alms  in 
Corinth,  is  such  as  to  make  the  true  connec- 
tion of  events  still  clearer.  This  visit  of  Titus 
must  have  preceded  his  despatch  with  the  stern 
letter  (2  Cor.  x.-xiii.).  Indeed,  it  was  probably 
Titus'  activity  in  setting  forward  the  collection 
of  the  money  that  gave  the  Jewish  Christians 
courage  to  stir  up  ill-feeling  against  St  Paul. 
Titus  discontinued  the  collection  and  returned 
to  Ephesus,  only  to  be  sent  back  again  by  the 
indignant  Apostle  with  the  letter  of  stern 
rebuke  (2  Cor.  x.  1-xiii.  10).  That  he  should 
be  entrusted  a  second  time,  after  peace  had  been 
restored,  with  the  business  of  the  collection, 
meant  also  for  himself  a  kind  of  rehabilitation. 
One  thing  only  remains  obscure — whether  Titus 
was  sent  the  first  time  to  Corinth  in  place  of 
or  after  Timothy,  who  (1  Cor.  xvi.  10/!)  seems 


St  Paul  55 

to  have  been  intended  for  this  work.  That  this 
letter,  the  shortest  of  the  three,  though  in 
chronological  order  it  stands  second,  should  in 
our  collection  of  the  Corinthian  correspondence 
take  the  last  place,  is  only  natural ;  nor  is  it 
hard  to  understand  that  if,  as  is  probable,  both 
address  and  conclusion  were  wanting  from 
the  first,  it  should  gradually  fall  into  place 
before  the  conclusion  of  the  preceding  epistle. 
We  shall  indeed  see  later  that  in  all  probability 
the  latter  phenomenon  repeats  itself  in  similar 
fashion  once  again  in  the  history  of  the  Pauline 
epistles. 

At  all  events  this  short  letter  x.-xiii.  is  first 
seen  in  its  right  light  only  when  it  is  kept  apart 
from  chaps,  i.  ix.,  wherein  the  tone  is  so  much 
more  restful  and  harmonious.  St  Paul  here 
appears  before  us  as  a  giant  who  launches  the 
thunderbolt,  and  is  first  revealed  in  his  complete 
volcanic  nature  in  the  storm  which  gathers  and 
spends  its  force  around  him.  We  may,  more- 
over, conclude  from  the  record  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  (xx.  2) — according  to  which  St 


56      Early   Christian   Literature 

Paul  was  yet  again  in  Corinth  during  the 
journey  through  his  Greek  churches  which 
preceded  his  visit  to  Jerusalem — that  his  rela- 
tions of  friendship  with  this  most  important 
Greek  community  were  not  again  disturbed. 


3.  The  Epistle  to  the  Galatians. 

We  possess  two  other  letters  dating 
from  the  period  of  St  Paul's  missionary 
labours,  the  Epistle  to  the  Galatians  and  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans.  These  two  epistles, 
as  distinguished  from  those  we  have  already 
dealt  with,  have  much  in  common.  They  are 
both  addressed,  not  to  communities  of  Greek 
race,  but  to  Greek-speaking  members  of  non- 
Hellenic  nationalities  which  were  more  or  less 
influenced  by  Greek  civilisation.  This  how- 
ever is  only  an  accidental  and  external  point 
of  similarity,  although  it  was  probably  not 
quite  without  its  influence  upon  the  author  as 
he  wrote.  It  is  more  important  to  notice  that 
in  both  cases  St  Paul  is  compelled  to  come  to 


St  Paul  57 

conclusions  with  Judaism  as  the  fountain-head 
of  the  Christian  religion,  and  is  accordingly 
led  to  trains  of  thought,  methods  of  proof,  and 
points  of  view  which  we  do  not  meet  with  in 
the  former  epistles.  Both  writings  therefore 
have  a  strongly  theological  character.  Those 
personal  touches,  which  reveal  to  us  the 
Apostle  and  his  readers  and  have  hitherto 
formed  the  peculiar  attraction  of  the  epistles, 
now  fall  into  the  background.  The  philo- 
sopher, the  dialectician  in  St  Paul,  now 
supplants  the  man.  And  the  fact  that  this 
philosopher  has  passed  through  the  Rabbinic 
schools,  and  is  in  his  mode  of  thought  still  a 
Jewish  scribe,  does  not  bring  him  nearer  in 
sympathy  to  us,  however  much  we  may  have 
occasion  to  wonder  at  the  clearness  of  thought, 
the  inexorable  logic,  the  close  reasoning  with 
which  St  Paul  can  expound  and  establish  his 
views.  Such  impressions,  however,  ought  not 
to  lead  us  to  see  in  him  only  a  man  of  system 
and  dogma;  a  life  of  outward  and  inward 
conflict,   and    his    own    strong,    active    nature, 


58       Early   Christian   Literature 

prevented  him  from  being  this  only.  It  is 
certain  that  he  assigned  no  value  to  dogmatic 
theology.  We  cannot  decide  whether,  in  the 
dogmatic  statements  which  he  occasionally 
formulates  in  these  epistles,  he  believes  that 
he  is  giving  an  exact  expression  of  Christian 
experience  valid  for  all  time,  or  whether  he 
has  in  his  eye  only  a  particular  case,  perhaps 
only  his  own  personal  experience,  and  thinks 
that  he  can  in  these  forms  most  clearly  re- 
present to  himself  the  essence  of  Christianity. 
Seeing  that  some  arguments  are  repeated  in 
quite  similar  terms  in  each  of  the  two  epistles, 
we  may  certainly  assume  that  the  Apostle 
had  already  given  them  this  form  in  his 
public  teaching  before  the  composition  of 
these  letters. 

The  external  data  for  the  epistle  to  the 
Galatians  cannot  be  determined  with  certainty, 
and  are  yet  not  without  interest.  Agreement 
has  not  been  reached  even  in  regard  to  the 
persons  to  whom  the  letter  was  addressed. 
The  origin  of  the  name  Galatians  is  of  course 


St  Paul  59 

undisputed.  It  denotes  certain  Celtic  or  Gallic 
tribes  which  had  been  driven  by  Romans  from 
their  home  in  Southern  Gaul  or  Northern 
Italy,  and  wandering  eastwards  had  become 
(about  270  b.c.)  the  terror  of  Asia  Minor,  and 
had  at  last  settled  in  the  interior  of  that  pen- 
insula. Here,  thanks  to  their  gradual  accept- 
ance of  Greek  civilisation,  they  had  created  a 
flourishing  league  of  cities,  which  continually 
increased  in  extent  and  power  through  the 
acquisition  of  surrounding  tracts  of  country. 
But  what  did  the  name  Galatians  denote  now 
in  the  time  of  St  Paul  ?  That  it  included  the 
descendants  of  these  tribes  is  obvious.  Hut  the 
name  must  have  had  a  far  wider  connotation 
even  before  the  time  of  St  Paul.  Even  during 
the  period  of  the  Galatian  city  league,  in  the 
course  of  the  last  century  before  Christ,  the 
Romans  had  continually  given  to  the  Galatians 
-their  allies  -portions  of  those  states  of  Asia 
Minor  which  they  overwhelmed  in  course  of 
their  conquests ;  while  since  86  b.c,  Amyntas 
— whose  career  was  in  many  points  parallel  to 


60      Early   Christian   Literature 

that  of  Herod  of  Palestine,  and  who  had  ob- 
tained from  the  Romans  the  title  and  authority 
of  King  of  Galatia — had  been  able  to  extend 
the  boundary  of  his  kingdom  southward  to  the 
Mediterranean  and  eastward  to  Cilicia.  The 
name  Galatia  during  this  period  naturally  in- 
cluded all  these  territories,  and  their  inhabitants 
irrespective  of  race  would  be  called  Galatians. 
This  nomenclature  must  have  become  more 
firmly  established  after  the  death  of  Amyntas, 
when  Augustus  made  his  kingdom  a  Roman 
province  under  the  name  Galatia.  There  can 
therefore  be  no  doubt  that  St  Paul  was 
justified  in  including  the  inhabitants  of  those 
southern  territories  of  Central  Asia  Minor, 
Lycaonia,  Pisidia,  and  Pamphylia,  under  the 
name  '  Galatians.'  This  is  indeed  the  more 
probable  in  that  St  Paul  shows  a  preference 
for  the  use  of  the  Roman  provincial  name  of 
a  country ;  for  example :  Asia  (Rom.  xvi.  5), 
Macedonia  (1  Cor.  xvi.  5),  Achaia  (1  Thess. 
i.  7 :  1  Cor.  xvi.  15 ;  Rom.  xv.  26),  Syria 
and  Cilicia  (Gal.  i.  21);  and  in  that  the  Acts 


St  Paul  6 1 

of  the  Apostles  gives  us  at  least  no  distinct 
information  of  a  mission  in  Galatia  proper 
(cf.  xvi.  1-5  ;  xviii.  23).  A  further  ground  for 
the  supposition  that  the  Galatians  of  the 
epistles  are  the  converts  of  Lycaonia,  Pisidia, 
and  Pamphylia  mentioned  in  the  Acts,  is  to  be 
derived  from  the  composition  of  the  band  of 
disciples  which,  according  to  Acts  xx.  4, 
accompanied  St  Paul  on  his  journey  to  Jeru- 
salem with  the  alms  of  the  communities. 
Among  these  there  must  have  been  represen- 
tatives from  Galatia,  since  the  Galatians  had 
taken  active  interest  in  the  collection  (1  Cor. 
xvi.  1).  These  representatives  can  therefore 
only  have  been  Gaius  of  Derbe  and  Timothy  of 
Lystra,  i.e.  natives  of  towns  which  are  situated 
in  the  countries  that  we  have  just  mentioned. 
More-over,  it  is  evidently  presupposed,  in  Gal. 
ii.  1 ,  that  St  Barnabas  was  known  in  Galatia  and 
thai  as  a  companion  of  St  Paul;  this  suggests 
the  conjecture  that  lie  had  preached  there  with 
St  Paul,  a  circumstance  which,  SO  far  as  tradi- 
tion goes,  is   true  only  of  the  countries  named. 


62      Early   Christian  Literature 

Hence  it  may  well  be  that  our  epistle  was 
addressed  to  the  first  Christian  converts  of  Asia 
Minor  which  St  Paul  had  gained  outside  his 
own  home  provinces  of  Syria,  Cilicia,  and 
Cyprus. 

Nor  can  it  be  determined  with  certainty 
when  St  Paul  wrote  to  these  Galatians.  Since 
he  speaks  clearly  only  of  a  second  previous 
visit  (iv.  13),  the  epistle  may  have  been  written 
before  his  third  visit  to  those  regions  mentioned 
in  Acts  xviii.  23 — i.e.  during  his  mission  in 
Corinth.  In  this  case,  our  epistle  is  older  than 
the  epistles  to  the  Corinthians.  Nothing, 
however,  excludes  the  supposition  that  this 
third  journey  through  Galatian  territory  might 
have  preceded  the  despatch  of  the  epistle,  if  on 
this  occasion  St  Paul  only  visited  those  com- 
munities which  had  been  omitted  during  his 
former  second  passage  through  their  land.  In 
this  case  the  letter  was  written  from  Ephesus, 
and  would  be  about  contemporary  with  the 
epistles  to  Corinth,  lying  probably  between  the 
first   and  the  second  epistle.      This  question  is, 


St   Paul  63 

however,  without  import  for  the  appreciation 
of  the  epistle ;  for  it  is  occupied  only  with  the 
circumstances  of  the  Galatian  communities, 
which  fill  St  Paul  with  such  anxiety  that  he 
has  not  a  word  to  spare  for  his  own  affairs. 

The  epistle  leaves  us  in  no  doubt  as  to 
what  had  happened.  Jews  had  crept  into  the 
community.  Definite  personages  are  quite 
distinctly  alluded  to  in  the  passages  i.  7  and 
v.  10-12.  They  had  unsettled  the  Galatian 
Christians  and  made  them  rebellious  against 
that  which  had  been  hitherto  preached  to 
them.  They  assert  that  the  Galatians  have 
halted  half  way  in  that  they  were  only  baptised; 
he  that  wishes  to  be  a  Christian  must  become  a 
Jew— that  is,  must  take  upon  him  the  sign  of 
the  covenant,  must  observe  Sabbath  and  feast- 
day,  and  keep  the  Law,  at  least  its  chief  com- 
mands (v.  2;  iv.  10;  iii.  2-5).  They  allege 
that  it  was  only  in  craftiness  and  desire  for 
popularity  (i.  L0)  that  Paul  had  withheld  this 
knowledge  from  them  and  had  thus  shown 
himself  to  !><•  no  true  friend   of  theirs  (iv.  10). 


64      Early   Christian  Literature 

This  Paul  was  no  true  apostle  as  were  the 
original  apostles,  to  whose  authority  these 
intruders  into  Galatia  evidently  appealed.  As 
in  Corinth,  St  Paul's  zeal  and  energy  are 
exploited  to  stir  up  ill-feeling  against  him  (iv. 
16-20).  With  an  appearance  of  justice  they 
could  point  to  moral  delinquencies  in  the  com- 
munities as  the  result  of  that  freedom  from 
the  Law  which  was  proclaimed  by  St  Paul 
(v.  13/). 

The  motives  that  inspired  the  action  of  these 
people  may  well  have  been  manifold  in  char- 
acter— they  may  have  been  sincerely  convinced 
of  the  indispensability  of  the  Law  and  of  the 
inalienable  privileges  of  the  Jewish  people;  but 
also,  as  is  shown  in  vi.  12/*.,  they  may  have 
hoped  to  moderate  the  enmity  of  the  Jews 
against  Christianity  by  leading  as  many  Gentiles 
as  possible  over  the  bridge  of  the  Christian 
religion  into  the  fold  of  Judaism.  In  the 
latter  case,  the  intruders  could  well  have  been 
sincere  Jewish  Christians :  yet  they  might 
also   have   been   Jews  who   pretended   to    be 


St  Paul  .    65 

Christians.  Nor  is  it  clear  whether  their  final 
object  was  to  make  the  Galatian  Christians 
Jews  or  only  Jewish  Christians. 

The  success  of  this  proselytism  was  as  yet 
not  great.  Naturally  enough  the  Galatians 
were  most  readily  inclined  to  receive  and  to 
observe  the  feast-days.  An  attempt  was 
made  to  decoy  them  on  by  asserting  that  they 
need  not  observe  all  the  commands  of  the 
Law  (v.  3).  But  they  had  not  fallen  into 
the  net ;  they  still  stood  hesitating  before 
the  principal  requirements  of  the  proselytisers 
(i.  7 ;  iii.  3  ;  iv.  9,  21  ;  v.  10).  Nevertheless  St 
Paul  is  in  the  greatest  anxiety  (iii.  4;  iv.  11, 
19),  for  there  was  in  those  lands  a  strong  settle- 
ment of  the  Jewish  dispersion  which  could 
easily  devour  the  small  Christian  communities 
and  thereby  add  to  its  own  strength.  All  the 
results  of*  his  first  missionary  journey  were  at 
stake  ;  yet  not  only  these,  as  St  Paul  recognises 
most  clearly,  but  the  truth  of  the  Gospel 
(ii.  5),  Christendom  itself,  so  far  as  it  was  to 
be  a  new  independent  society.     Accordingly, 


6 


66      Early  Christian  Literature 

all  the  arguments  of  this  epistle  are  marked 
by  the  most  extreme  rigour  and  firmness 
of  principle.  On  all  sides  he  establishes 
and  confirms  that  conception  of  the  Gospel, 
which  he  had  proclaimed  and  which  he  calls 
his  own  gospel  (i.  8,  11  ;  ii.  2).  The  letter  is 
somewhat  concise  in  style.  All  personal 
notices,  messages,  greetings,  are  wanting. 
There  is  no  introduction  of  any  kind.  St 
Paul  rushes  straight  into  the  midst  of  things. 
Even  the  address  grows  under  his  hand  into 
a  short  summary  of  his  gospel  (i.  1-5).  The 
close  phalanx  of  his  reasoning  is  broken  only 
by  impassioned  questions  and  reproaches — 
"  O  foolish  Galatians,  who  hath  bewitched 
you?"  (iii.  1;  iv.  19);  or  by  mournful 
reminiscences  of  the  enthusiastic  hospitality 
with  which  they  had  once  received  him 
(iv.  13-10). 

The  train  of  thought  in  this  epistle  is  closely 
knit.  First  we  have  the  expanded  address 
in  which  St  Paul  calls  himself  an  "  apostle  not 
from  men,  neither  through  man,  but  through 


St  Paul  67 

Jesus  Christ  and  God  the  Father  who  hath 
raised  Him  from  the  dead  "  (i.  1),  and  associates 
himself  in  sending  the  epistle  with  the  brethren 
who  were  with  him  (i.  2).  Then  follows  a 
short  passage  (i.  6-10)  in  which,  with  extreme 
sharpness  of  tone,  the  situation  is  clearly  stated. 
In  the  first  part  of  the  body  of  the  epistle 
(i.  11-ii.  21),  in  the  form  of  a  narrative  of  his 
past  history  from  his  conversion  onwards,  he 
makes  clear  his  position  in  regard  to  Judaism 
and  Jewish  Christianity.  Then  follow  (iii.  1- 
iv.  1 1 )  two  passages  of  scriptural  exegesis, 
in  the  first  of  which  he  refutes  the  position  of 
I  lis  opponents,  while  in  the  second  he  justifies 
his  own.  This  whole  section  bears  clearly  the 
stamp  of  the  Jewish  schools  of  letter- worship 
aod  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment, wherein  the  intellectual  gymnastics  of 
scribe  and  rabbi  were  quite  in  accordance  with 
the  taste  of  the  Synagogue.  Now  comes  a 
third  section  (iv.  12  v.  12),  containing  a  pathetic 
appeal  to  the  Galatians  to  order  their  behaviour 
in   accordance  with  what    lias   been  declared  to 


68       Early   Christian  Literature 

them.  In  a  fourth  section  (v.  13-vi.  10)  the 
Apostle,  passing  from  polemics  to  positive 
teaching,  paints  in  glowing  colours  the  true 
Christian  way  of  living  which  is  based  upon 
freedom  of  spirit  in  deliverance  from  the  yoke 
of  the  Law — here  again  we  have  one  of  the 
jewels  of  the  literary  art  of  St  Paul.  Finally, 
he  himself  takes  up  the  pen.  As  in  the 
expanded  address  so  now  he  is  driven  to 
write  the  weighty,  forcible  sentences  which 
intervene  before  the  customary  final  greeting 
of  vi.  18.  With  a  touching  jest  upon 
his  hand-writing,  he  begins:  "See  with 
how  large  letters  I  write  unto  you  with  mine 
own  hand."  Then  he  writes  down  with  these 
large  letters  his  bitter  accusation  against  those 
who  were  disturbing  the  community.  They 
desire  only  to  reap  glory  for  themselves  and 
to  escape  persecution  for  the  Cross  of  Christ. 
"  But  as  for  me,"  the  words  well  up  from  the 
very  deep  of  his  soul,  "  far  be  it  from  me  that 
I  should  glory  save  in  the  Cross  of  our  Lord 
Jesus   Christ  through   which   the  world   hath 


St  Paul  69 

been  crucified  unto  me  and  I  unto  the  world. 
For  neither  is  circumcision  anything  nor  un- 
circumcision  but  a  new  creature.  And  as 
many  as  shall  walk  by  this  rule  peace  be  upon 
them  and  mercy,  and  upon  the  Israel  of  God. 
From  henceforth  let  no  man  trouble  me,  for  I 
bear  branded  upon  my  body  the  marks  of 
Jesus."  The  most  touching,  most  moving 
cry  of  a  life  of  suffering  and  yet  of  peace ! 

While  reading  this  letter  one  constantly  feels 
that  St  Paul  at  this  crisis  of  his  mission  first 
arrived  at  a  clear,  comprehensive  view  of  the 
complete  incompatibility  of  the  Gospel  with 
the  religion  of  the  Law.  If  up  to  this  time  he 
had  regarded  the  Law  only  as  dispensable,  he 
now  recognises  the  complete  and  essential  op- 
position of  the  religion  of  faith  and  grace  to 
every  form  of  legal  religion.  The  "offence 
of  the  Cross,"  so  it  becomes  clear  to  him,  is  to 
be  simply  accepted.  The  Cross  first  gains  for 
him  its  complete  significance  and  justification 
when  lie  is  assured  that  the  Law  was  intended 
only  to  bring  consciousness  of  sins,  that  it  even 


70       Early  Christian  Literature 

tends  to  the  multiplication  of  transgressions, 
and  that  it  must  thus  under  all  circumstances 
be  abolished  now  that  Christ  has  made  atone- 
ment for  sins  and  has  imparted  the  Spirit  to 
mankind.  Only  those  therefore  are  Christians 
who  make  a  complete  breach  with  all  idea  of 
merit  gained  through  the  works  of  the  Law, 
and  trust  themselves  absolutely  to  the  grace 
of  God  offered  to  them  in  Christ.  Hence  our 
epistle  is  the  charter  of  Christianity  as  a  new, 
a  universal  religion.  She  here  finally  shakes 
off*  the  shell  of  Judaism,  and  starts  upon  her 
free  progress  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 
Never  has  St  Paul  emphasised  so  sharply  as 
in  this  letter  that  characteristic  which  forms 
the  essence  of  Christianity ;  never  has  he  so 
clearly  taught  that  herein  all  is  inward  and 
spiritual  and  therefore  free,  that  the  soul  of 
man  stands  to  God  in  a  direct  relationship  in 
which  God  freely  gives  to  the  man  who,  trust- 
ing in  Him,  accepts  the  gift  without  thought 
or  hope  of  deserving  it.  Our  epistle  is  also  im- 
portant in  another  twofold  aspect.     In  the  first 


St  Paul  71 

place  it  affords  us  a  glimpse  into  the  rabbinic 
scholarship  of  St  Paul ;  even  as  a  Christian  we 
find  that  he  holds  fast  to  its  conceptions  and 
methods.  Secondly,  in  its  first  two  chapters, 
this  letter  forms  the  only  perfectly  trustworthy 
authority  for  the  early  history  of  St  Paul  and 
the  origins  of  Christianity,  more  particularly 
for  the  inward  history  of  the  development  of 
the  conflict  with  that  Judaism  upon  whose 
soil  the  new  religion  had  grown  up. 

4.  The  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 

The  most  characteristic  of  the  letters  com- 
posed by  St  Paul  is  that  which  was  sent  to 
the  Christians  of  Kome.  Long  passages  of  it 
may  be  regarded  rather  as  theological  argu- 
ment thrown  into  the  form  of  a  letter.  Never- 
theless this  form  is  not  mere  literary  apparel ; 
on  the  contrary,  the  character  of  the  readers 
and  the  personal  situation  of  the  author  are 
the  cause  that  the  epistle  partly  assumes  the 
tone  and  shape  of  a  treatise. 


72       Early   Christian   Literature 

St  Paul  has  come  to  the  end  of  his  mission 
in  the  countries  of  Greek  speech.  He  has 
spread  the  Gospel  from  Jerusalem  to  Illyricum 
(xv.  19).  His  eye  now  travels  over  the 
Western  Latin  world  and  naturally  fixes  its 
gaze  first  of  all  upon  Rome,  the  metropolis 
of  civilisation.  New  tasks  and  problems  of 
infinite  range  are  presented  by  this  new  world 
so  absolutely  alien  in  character  to  himself 

Christianity  could  only  take  its  proper  place 
in  universal  history  after  it  had  established  a 
firm  footing  in  the  city  which  ruled  the  world 
— its  whole  future  development  depended  upon 
the  form  it  took  in  Rome.  Already  how- 
ever it  had  found  converts  in  that  city. 
Thither  this  new  message,  like  everything 
else  which  sprang  up  anywhere  in  the  world  of 
those  days,  had  been  brought  by  the  winds,  of 
which  no  one  can  say  whence  they  come. 
Indeed,  at  the  time  St  Paul  wrote  this  epistle, 
this  Christian  community  in  Rome,  of  un- 
known origin,  had  met  with  all  kinds  of  vicissi- 
tudes  of  fortune.      According   to   Suetonius, 


St  Paul  73 

the  Roman  Emperor  Claudius  banished  from 
Rome  Jews  who  were  in  tumult  impulsore 
Chresto,  probably  therefore  Jewish  Christians 
and  their  most  bitter  opponents.  After  the 
dispersion  of  this  first  Christian  community  of 
Jewish  origin,  probably  about  the  beginning  of 
the  sixth  decade  of  the  first  century,  Chris- 
tianity must  have  taken  fresh  root  in  Rome ; 
and  again  we  know  not  whence  the  seed  came, 
only  that  judging  from  our  epistle  the  new 
foundation  was  independent  of  the  Synagogue. 
It  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  St  Paul  that 
this  community,  the  product  of  accident  and 
yet  appointed  to  be  the  embryo  of  the  Western 
Christendom  of  the  future,  should  possess 
Christianity  in  the  form  which,  as  his  own 
feeling  and  experience  taught  him  ever  more 
clearly,  alone  corresponded  to  its  inward 
truth. 

The  Apostle  evidently  does  not  know  much 
concerning  the  state  of  the  community,  Jit  all 
events  lie  has  no  personal  relations  with  it  ; 
moreover,  his  personality,  though  not.  unknown 


74      Early   Christian   Literature 

in  Rome — a  proof  of  the  fame  whieh  his  work 
and  its  success  had  brought  him — has  not 
become  a  centre  of  controversy  there.  This 
circumstance  is  favourable  to  his  undertaking  ; 
he  could  speak  the  more  impartially,  with  the 
greater  objectivity.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
there  was  this  difficulty  in  the  way  of  his  inten- 
tion to  proclaim  his  gospel  to  the  Roman 
Church — namely,  that  such  a  course  of  action 
seemed  to  conflict  with  his  principle  never  to 
build  upon  another's  foundation.  This  was 
one  more  reason  why  he  should  keep  his  own 
personality  in  the  background  and  allow  things 
to  speak  for  themselves,  but  it  at  the  same 
time  affords  us  an  opportunity  of  admiring 
the  tactfulness  with  which  the  Apostle  at  the 
beginning  and  end  of  the  epistle  justifies  his 
action,  even  apologises  for  thinking  of  sending 
these  lines  to  a  community  over  which  he  had 
no  personal  authority — a  delicacy  of  feeling 
which  is  doubly  praiseworthy  in  a  man  of  such 
energy  and  zeal.  In  the  address  he  describes 
himself  to  them  as  a  bond-servant   of  Jesus 


St  Paul  75 

Christ,  called  to  be  an  apostle,  separated  unto 
the  Gospel  of  God  (i.  1),  and  declares  that  to 
him  with  many  others,  through  his  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  the  grace  of  this  apostleship  was  given 
to  promote  obedience  of  faith  among  all 
nations  for  His  name's  sake,  among  whom  are 
they  also  the  called  of  the  same  Jesus  Christ 
(i.  5/!).  He  is  indeed  debtor  to  Greeks  and 
barbarians,  both  to  the  wise  and  to  the  foolish 
(i.  14).  And  so  already  for  a  long  time  he  had 
purposed  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  Rome  also 
(i.  15).  Xow  after  that  they  had  already 
received  the  good  news,  it  is  his  intense  desire 
at  least  to  establish  them  in  faith  and  to  be 
himself  established  by  them  (i.  11,/!).  At  still 
greater  length,  at  the  close  of  the  epistle  (xv. 
14-3.3),  he  justifies  his  action  in  writing  to 
them.  "  I  myself  am  persuaded  of  you,  my 
brethren,"  says  he,  "  that  ye  yourselves  also  are 
full  of  goodness,  filled  with  all  knowledge,  able 
also  to  admonish  one  another.  I  have,  however, 
the  more  boldly  written  unto  you  in  some 
measure,  as  pulling  y<>u  again  in  remembrance 


76      Early  Christian  Literature 

because  of  the  grace  that  was  given  me  of  God, 
that  I  should  be  a  minister  of  Christ  Jesus  unto 
the  Gentiles,  ministering  the  Gospel  of  God 
that  the  offering  up  of  the  Gentiles  might  be 
made  acceptable,  being  sanctified  by  the  Holy 
Ghost"  (xv.  14/!).  He  assures  them  that  he 
does  not  wish  to  work  among  them  as  a 
missionary,  but  only  from  them  to  pass  on  to 
Spain,  because  in  the  regions  in  which  he  now 
found  himself  there  remained  no  longer  a  sphere 
of  work  for  him.  He  hopes,  however,  to  see 
them  on  his  journey,  and  to  be  forwarded  on 
his  way  thitherward  by  their  counsel,  their  help, 
and  their  blessing  (xv.  23/!,  28/'.).  But  before 
this  plan  could  be  realised  there  lies  before  him 
a  difficult  and  dangerous  undertaking.  He 
wishes  to  take  up  to  the  Christians  in  Jeru- 
salem the  alms  which  had  been  collected  in  the 
communities  he  had  hitherto  founded,  and  he 
is  not  without  anxiety  as  to  what  might  happen 
to  him  in  Jerusalem  (xv.  25-27,  30  /!).  Thus 
this  letter  addressed  to  the  metropolitan  city  of 
the  world  grows,  as  it  were,  under  his  hand  into 


St  Paul  77 

his  testament  to  Christendom.  And  really 
this  epistle  was  the  last  word  which  the  great 
missionary  wrote  to  his  Christian  brethren 
in  full  freedom  and  while  actively  employed  in 
his  mission.  If  we  think  at  the  same  time  of 
the  bitter  conflicts  which  had  been  lately 
forced  upon  him  in  Corinth  and  Galatia,  we 
may  expect  to  find  in  this  writing  the  final 
resultant  of  the  trains  of  thought  aroused  by 
these  conflicts,  and  we  cannot  wonder  that 
the  absolute  separation  of  Christianity  from 
the  Jewish  religion  lies  in  the  forefront  of 
his  mind  as  the  great  task  of  the  future.  It 
is  thus  an  altogether  unique  situation  out  of 
which  our  epistle  lias  grown.  On  the  other 
hand,  the  place  of  writing  is  a  matter  of  no 
importance.  In  determining  this  question  we 
must  not,  as  we  shall  see,  use  chap.  xvi.  1-  '20 
as  an  authority,  nor  do  the  greetings  of  xvi. 
Ul  28  give  us  any  help;  judging,  however, 
from  the  list  of  stations  in  the  journey  to 
Jerusalem,  given  in  Acts  xx.  l  //!,  we  may 
conjecture    with    great    probability    that    the 


78       Early  Christian  Literature 

epistle  was  written  at  Corinth,  because  it  is 
expressly  stated  that  in  Greece  alone  was  his 
stay  sufficiently  long  to  afford  him  leisure 
for  the  composition  of  a  work  in  which  every 
word  is  weighed.  Besides,  we  learn  from  Rom. 
xvi.  23  of  a  certain  Gaius  among  those  who  send 
greetings  ;  while  in  1  Cor.  i.  14  we  find  mention 
made  of  a  man  of  the  same  name,  one  of  the 
few  baptised  by  St  Paul  himself,  and  therefore, 
as  we  may  conjecture,  a  close  friend  of  the 
Apostle  and  a  man  of  note  in  Corinth.  In  our 
epistle  St  Paul  praises  him  as  "  my  host  and 
of  the  whole  Church."  These  greetings,  more- 
over, were  certainly  intended  by  St  Paul  to 
create  bonds  of  fellowship  between  the  Pauline 
Christians  and  the  Roman  community,  and  to 
show  that  he  had  not  written  to  them  quite 
exclusively  in  his  own  name. 

The  peculiar  theme  of  the  epistle  is  doubt- 
less, as  lias  been  already  shown,  the  relation  of 
Christianity  to  Judaism  :  it  was  the  problem 
of  the  day  for  every  one  who  was  brought 
under    the    influence    of    this    new    religious 


St  Paul  79 

movement  that  had  sprung  from  the  womb  of 
Judaism — for  every  one  at  least  who  was  at  all 
inclined  to  reflection.  And  even  the  unreflect- 
ing were  compelled  to  face  the  problem  by  the 
jealous  assaults  and  importunate  allurements 
of  the  Jews,  who  everywhere  followed  close 
upon  the  steps  of  the  Christian  mission.  The 
epistle,  indeed,  gives  us  not  the  slightest  hint 
that  the  Roman  Christians  had  had  such  an 
experience,  much  less  that  they  were  in  any 
danger  whatever  of  accepting  Judaism,  or 
even  that  differing  attitudes  adopted  towards 
Jewish  legal  ordinances  had  brought  about 
schism  in  their  midst.  St  Paul  always 
addresses  himself  to  the  whole  body  of 
believers  in  Home,  and  he  never  combats  any 
sectional  tendency  among  them  which  he  is 
convinced  to  be  wrong.  The  mode  of  address 
which  the  Apostle  employs  in  the  beginning 
(i.  5f.t  18),  again  at  the  conclusion  (x v.  14-16), 
and  in  many  other  parts  of  the  epistle,  shows 
plainly  that  the  great  majority  in  the  com- 
munity   consisted    of   (ientiles,    and   that  any 


8o      Early   Christian  Literature 

Jews  by  birth  associated  with  them  played  no 
leading  part  in  the  Roman  Church  or  at  least 
made  no  attempt  to  give  effect  therein  to 
Jewish  religious  ideas.  The  letter  does  not 
attack  Jewish  Christianity,  but  Judaism — 
the  Tsraelitish  religion — standing  over  against 
Christianity  as  a  distinct  independent  entity 
which  casts  its  shadow  over  the  path  of  the 
new  religion.  St  Paul  presupposes  that  all 
the  Christians  of  Rome  are  disturbed  by  the 
perplexing  problem  that  the  Gospel  which 
they  accepted  should  have  proceeded  from 
the  Jews,  should  rest  upon  the  authority  of 
their  holy  writings,  and  yet  should  have 
nothing  to  do  with  the  Jewish  Law  and 
should  have  been  rejected  by  these  Jews 
themselves.  And  though  the  Apostle  handles 
this  burning  question — one  that  weighed  upon 
the  faith  and  conscience  of  every  thinking 
man — in  the  form  of  a  dialogue,  though  he 
formulates  objections  in  order  to  refute  them, 
we  must  not  imagine  that  persons  pressing 
such  objections  really  existed    in  the  Roman 


St  Paul  8 1 

Church ;  St  Paul  simply  adopts  the  customary 
style  for  such  discussions,  a  style  which  was 
especially  in  accord  with  the  lively  genius  of 
one  so  disposed  to  dialectic  development  of 
his  thought. 

Many  an  argument  and  method  of  proof, 
many  a  succession  of  quotations  from  Scripture 
as  they  are  met  with  in  this  epistle,  had  no 
doubt  for  a  long  time  been  employed  by  the 
Apostle  in  his  missionary  discourses.  Many 
an  objection  to  which  he  lends  words  had 
already  been  somewhere  used  against  him  in 
the  form  here  given  to  it.  And  yet  this  letter 
is  in  a  higher  degree  than  any  other  the  un- 
mistakable result  of  long,  intense,  and  most 
detailed  mental  labour.  This  is  shown  in  the 
careful  balancing  of  every  particular  clause  and 
word  as  well  as  in  the  magnificent  structure 
of  the  whole  composition.  After  the  address, 
in  which  he  briefly  characterises  his  gospel  and 
his  mission  (i.  1  7),  the  epistle,  as  if  occupied 
with  the  justification  of  its  direction  to  a 
community  unknown  to  the   Apostle,   begins 


82       Early  Christian   Literature 

(i.  8-15)  with  a  passage  containing  short 
expressions  of  hearty  regard,  and  concludes  in 
the  same  tone  but  at  greater  length  with  a 
series  of  details  of  personal  information  (xv. 
14-33).  The  intervening  portion  of  the  epistle 
falls  into  two  main  divisions — i.  16- xi.  36, 
and  xii.  1-xv.  13.  The  second  of  these 
comprises  a  sketch  of  the  Christian  Life 
which  is  absolutely  masterly  in  arrangement 
and  expression.  First  we  have  a  description 
of  the  principle  of  the  new  Life  (xii. 
If.)',  then  the  rules  which  should  govern 
the  behaviour  of  Christians  one  towards 
another  (xii.  3-16) ;  next,  rules  which  deal 
with  their  relation  to  non- Christians  (xii. 
17-21);  finally,  a  statement  of  their  proper 
attitude  towards  the  civil  power  (xiii.  1-7) : 
three  sides  of  Christian  duty  which  are  beauti- 
fully summed  up  (xiii.  8-10)  in  the  injunctions 
"  Owe  no  man  anything  save  to  love  one 
another,"  "  Love  is  the  fulfilment  of  the  Law," 
and  reinforced  by  the  thought  of  the  near 
coming   of  the    Lord    (xiii.    11-14).      As    an 


St  Paul  83 

appendix  there  now  follows  the  discussion 
of  a  definite  practical  difficulty,  the  only  one 
of  the  sort  which  is  mentioned  in  the  epistle, 
forming  the  only  testimony  that  the  Apostle 
had  received  any  detailed  information  con- 
cerning the  life  of  the  Roman  community 
(xiv.  1-xv.  13).  It  deals  with  the  scruples  of 
many  brethren  in  partaking  of  certain  meats, 
and  is  closely  connected  with  1  Cor.  viii.-x. 
As  St  Paul  does  not  upon  this  occasion  lead 
up  to  the  question  of  the  validity  for  Christians 
of  Jewish  legal  ordinances,  we  may  be  sure 
that  he  is  not  here  dealing  with  scruples  which 
are  based  upon  the  Jewish  law  concerning 
meats,  since  this  law  never  forbade  flesh  and 
commended  vegetable  food,  as  the  scrupulous 
brethren  in  Rome  seem  to  have  done  (xiv.  2). 
Rather,  the  foundation  of  these  scruples  is  to 
be  discovered  in  the  fact  that  flesh  and  wine 
were  consecrated  at  the  heathen  sacrificial 
feasts,  or  in  certain  ascetic   ideas   such   as   were 

widely    disseminated    at    that    time   even    in 
heathen   soil.      Again   the   Apostle  reveals  the 


84      Early   Christian   Literature 

grandeur  and  freedom  of  his  spirit  in  the 
discussion  of  such  questions.  In  the  abstract 
the  strong,  as  he  calls  them,  those  who  are 
oppressed  by  no  scruples,  are  in  the  right ;  he 
counts  himself  of  their  number.  But  the 
highest  point  of  view  for  the  Christian  must 
be  that  of  consideration  for  the  sensitive 
conscience  of  the  weak,  which  under  all 
circumstances  claims  his  forbearance  and 
regard. 

This  is  all  of  the  highest  value  for  our 
understanding  of  the  Christianity  of  the 
Apostle ;  but  it  is  not  this  that  lends  to  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans  its  peculiar  significance. 
It  was  not  this  which  constrained  the  Apostle 
to  write.  Indeed,  the  far  greater  extent  of  the 
first  part,  chaps,  i.-xi.,  shows  what  was  his 
main  purpose  in  writing  the  epistle.  This 
portion  again  falls  into  two  unequal  divisions, 
chaps,  i.-viii.  and  ix.-xi.  In  the  first  the 
nature,  in  the  second  the  history,  we  may  say, 
of  the  Gospel  is  expounded.  The  subject  of 
the  first  division  is  handled  in  two  sections,  of 


St   Paul  85 

which  the  first,  i.-v.,  discusses  what  God  has 
done,  while  the  second,  vi.-viii.,  treats  of  what 
man  must  do.  In  the  first  the  largest  room 
is  taken  up  by  a  description,  in  the  gloomiest 
colours,  of  the  development  of  sin  regarded  as 
the  result  of  the  judgment  of  the  wrath  of 
God,  and  of  the  irretrievable  corruption  of  the 
world.  This  conviction  of  universal  reproba- 
tion, the  result  of  all  the  Apostle's  observation 
of  the  brilliant  world  of  culture  of  his  day 
(i.  17-iii.  8),  seeing  that  its  comprehensive 
condemnation  of  Jews  as  well  as  Gentiles 
rendered  it  beyond  belief,  is  proved  at  length 
from  the  Holy  Scripture  of  the  Jews  (iii.  9- 
20).  Then  in  iii.  21-v.  11  it  is  shown  how 
God  has  revealed  salvation  to  this  lost  world 
through  Messiah  and  His  submission  to  death 
(iii.  21  .'Jl),  and  that  man  need  only  trustfully 
accept  this  proof  of  God's  grace.  Here,  again, 
this  astounding  statement  is  shown  to  be  true 
from  the  scriptural  history  of  Abraham,  lor 
even  with  the  patriarch  righteousness  before 
God   depended   not  on   works   but  on    trustful 


86      Early   Christian   Literature 

faith  (iv.  1-22).  In  both  arguments  it  is 
expressly  emphasised  that  they  affect,  to 
a  quite  equal  extent,  Jews  as  well  as 
Gentiles,  that  they  are  true  for  men  as  such 
without  any  distinction.  The  concluding 
verses  of  the  section  impress  the  seal  of  his- 
tory upon  this  statement.  This  is  indeed 
the  primary  purpose  of  that  ingenious  com- 
parison of  the  original  father  of  mankind  with 
the  Head  of  Christendom,  though  its  force 
depends,  of  course,  upon  ideas  current  in 
the  Jewish  theological  schools  (v.   12-21). 

The  second  part,  chaps,  vi.-viii.,  cannot  be 
so  surely  analysed.  Most  probably  it  falls  at 
first  into  two  longish  divisions.  The  former 
of  these,  vi.  1-vii.  6,  clearly  sets  forth  what 
should  be  the  behaviour  of  those  who  believe 
in  this  Divine  grace.  In  the  first  place,  a 
refutation  is  given  of  the  false  deduction  that  a 
man  may  sin  seeing  that  grace  thus  abounds  ; 
and  secondly,  the  right  deduction  is  declared, 
namely,  that  the  man  who  is  justified  can  only 
live  unto   righteousness.     The    demonstration 


St  Paul  87 

that  the  new  relationship  to  God  involves  free- 
dom from  every  law  (vii.  1-6)  forms  the  transition 
to  the  second  division.  This  second  division 
(vii.  7-viii.  11)  deals  with  the  question — What 
significance  is  then  to  be  attributed  to  the  Law 
which  assuredly  comes  from  God,  and  thus 
to  the  Jewish  religion  in  the  religious  develop- 
ment of  mankind  ?  First  it  is  shown  (vii.  7-25) 
that  the  Law  served  a  preparatory  and  tem- 
porary object;  next  (viii.  1-11),  that  it  is  now 
superseded.  Then  as  a  conclusion  from  both 
these  two  subdivisions  there  follows  the 
description  of  the  indwelling  of  the  Spirit  in 
the  Christian  and  of  the  pledge  of  future 
perfection  thereby  afforded  him  (viii.  12-30)- 
again  one  of  the  lofty  heights  of  Pauline 
teaching.  Finally,  all  these  demonstrations 
of  the  nature  of  Christianity  culminate  in  a 
grand  hymn  upon  the  bliss,  the  firm  confidence 
in  ultimate  victory,  brought  to  the  heart  by 
faith  in  Christ  (viii.  81    89). 

But  still    nothing  has   been   s;iid   concerning 
that   difficult   historical    problem  which  must 


88       Early  Christian  Literature 

have  lain  as  a  heavy  burden  upon  the  faith 
of  the  Gentile  Christians — Why  is  it  that 
the  Jews,  from  whom  Christianity  proceeds, 
have  not  become  Christians  ?  St  Paul  gives 
the  solution  of  this  enigma  in  chaps,  ix.-xi. 
He  begins  with  a  full  recognition  of  the 
favoured  position  of  the  people  of  Israel  and 
of  their  historical  priority  in  regard  to  the 
Gospel  of  Christ.  Then  in  accordance  with 
his  own  theological  preconceptions  he  en- 
deavours to  explain  the  patent  fact  of  the 
unbelief  of  the  ancient  people  of  God,  first 
from  the  point  of  view  of  the  Divine 
foreordaining  and  all-embracing  Providence 
(ix.  6-29),  next  from  the  side  of  Israel  itself 
(ix.  30-x.  21).  But  the  real  solution  of  the 
mystery  is  first  given  in  a  comprehensive 
explanation  of  the  Divine  plan  of  salvation 
(xi.  1-36).  Israel,  indeed,  is  not  finally  cast 
away  (1-10)  ;  it  must,  however,  make  place 
for  the  Gentiles  (11-25):  when  these  have 
entered  the  kingdom  then  Israel  itself  will 
believe    (25-36).       Here    also    the    argument 


St   Paul  89 

culminates  in  that  famous  hymn  of  praise : 
"  O  the  depth  of  the  riches  both  of  the 
wisdom  and  knowledge  of  God !  How 
unsearchable  are  His  judgments,  and  His 
ways  past  tracing  out ! " 

What  was  the  Apostle's  purpose  in  these 
detailed  investigations  ?  They  are  much  too 
full  of  life  to  have  sprung  only  from  his  own 
need  of  rendering  a  clear  and  comprehensive 
account  to  himself  of  the  relationship  of  the 
two  religions  as  he  conceived  and  taught  it. 
How,  moreover,  could  one  so  eaten  up  by  rest- 
less zeal  have  ever  harboured  such  a  purpose 
much  less  have  found  time  and  inclination  to 
carry  it  out '.  It  is  just  as  clear  that  these 
investigations  cannot  have  aimed  at  combat- 
ing any  propensity  in  the  Roman  community 
towards  amalgamating  faith  in  Christ  with 
the  observance  of  the  Jewish  Law.  For  such 
amalgamation  is  not  the  object  of  attack  in 
this  epistle;  but  Judaism,  the  relation  of  its 
Law  and  the  attitude  of  its  professors 
toward   the  faith    in   Christ,   is   the   mysterious 


90      Early   Christian   Literature 

phenomenon  which  is  to  be  explained.  Must 
not  this  Roman  Church  in  the  course  of  its 
spontaneous  independent  development — must 
not,  indeed,  all  Gentile  converts  to  the  Gospel 
have  been  sorely  oppressed  by  the  doubt 
continually  awakened  in  the  soul  by  such 
questions  as  these : — Why  have  the  Jews 
not  accepted  this  Christ  of  ours  ?  Why  is 
there  such  bitter  opposition  between  two 
religions  so  nearly  allied  ?  Why  does  this 
preparatory  phase  still  abide  if  it  is  now  super- 
seded ?  And  behind  them  all  the  question  : — 
May  not  the  Jews,  the  adherents  of  the  more 
ancient  faith,  be  in  the  right  ?  Does  not  the 
step  we  have  taken  in  recognising  the  Christ 
naturally  lead  to  the  further  step  of  accepting 
the  Law  ? 

In  answer  to  such  questions  St  Paul  would 
show  that  the  new  religion  is  absolutely 
and  essentially  distinct  from  the  religion  out 
of  which  it  has  grown,  that  it  is  really  a  new 
religion.  Here  was  matter  for  no  mere  play 
of  ingenious    intellectual    subtilty,    it   was    a 


St   Paul  91 

burning  problem  whose  solution  was  a  question 
of  life  and  death  for  the  new  religion.  By 
means  of  the  Apostle's  demonstration  Chris- 
tianity is  to  be  freed  from  all  fetters,  set  upon 
her  own  feet,  and  established  in  firm  assured 
conviction  of  her  Divine  mission.  The 
occasion  of  his  writing  lies  in  the  critical 
historical  situation  which  had  been  revealed  to 
the  Apostle  in  a  sufficiently  glaring  light  by 
his  experiences  in  Galatia,  Corinth,  and  no 
doubt  also  in  Ephesus,  though  we  have  no 
exact  knowledge  of  his  experience  in  the  latter 
place.  And  so,  before  he  starts  for  Jerusalem, 
be  directs  to  Home  the  charter  for  the  new 
religion  which  he  had  spread  abroad  in  the 
(.entile  world  for  now  quarter  of  a  century, 
he  renders  Christianity  capable  of  becoming 
a  universal  religion.  Therefore  it  is  that  in 
no  other  epistle  of  St  Paul,  as  the  sympa- 
thetic eye  of  Luther  has  recognised,  is  the 
essential    nature  of  Christ ianity   so  clearly  and 

distinctly  expressed  as  in  this  his  testament 
to  the  Christendom  of  the   future,  although, 


92       Early  Christian   Literature 

because  of  the  comparison  with  the  Jewish 
religion,  this  expression  is  more  in  terms  of 
ideas  and  standards  of  Jewish  origin  than  is 
usual  in  his  other  writings. 


5.  A  Supposed  Epistle  to  Ephesus. 

In  our  Epistle  to  the  Romans  we  find  a 
section  (xvi.  1-20)  which  forms  in  itself  a 
complete  whole,  and  consists  principally  of  a  list 
of  greetings  to  various  persons  mentioned  by 
name.  This  passage  probably  occupied  its 
present  position  in  the  first  collection  of 
Pauline  epistles  seeing  that  it  is  wanting  in 
none  of  the  manuscripts  that  have  come  down 
to  us.  We  cannot  imagine  that  St  Paul,  who 
had,  as  the  rest  of  the  epistle  shows  us, 
absolutely  no  personal  knowledge  of  the 
Church  of  Rome,  could  have  had  so  many 
personal  acquaintances  in  that  community. 
The  list  of  greetings  at  least  can  scarcely 
belong  to  the  letter  to  the  Romans.  This 
list  is,  however,  directly  preceded  by  the  warm 


St  Paul  93 

commendation  of  a  Christian  woman,  Phcebe 
by  name,  to  the  readers  to  whose  abode  it  is 
evident  that  she  is  about  to  journey.  In 
words  of  praise  it  is  said  of  her  that  she  had 
served  the  Church  in  Cenchrea,  the  port  of 
Corinth.  St  Paul  very  earnestly  begs  that  she 
may  be  received  with  hospitality  and  may  be 
helped  in  the  carrying  out  of  business  she  had 
in  hand.  The  Apostle  emphasises  his  petition 
by  informing  his  readers  that  she  had  already 
been  of  service  also  to  himself.  This  trait 
is  quite  out  of  harmony  with  the  tone  of 
the  rest  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans,  which 
is  sharply  distinguished  from  the  other  epistles 
of  St  Paul  by  its  suppression  of  all  purely 
personal  interests  and  of  every  pretension  to  a 
claim  upon  the  Roman  Church  seeing  that  it 
was  both  unknown  and  in  no  sense  indebted  to 
him.  Likewise  the  section  (17-  20)  succeeding 
the  list  of  greetings,  with  its  sharp  tone  of 
authoritative  reproach,  with  its  impartial 
exposure  of  the  faults  of  the  readers  more 
particularly  of  the  divisions  that  existed  among 


94      Early   Christian  Literature 

them — cannot  possibly  have  been  directed  to  a 
community  of  which  St  Paul  had  scarcely  any 
detailed  knowledge  and  which  he  approaches 
with  the  greatest  self-suppression.  Again,  the 
greeting  (20)  with  which  St  Paul  elsewhere 
concludes  his  epistles  stands  here  in  the  wrong 
position.  And  while  at  the  end  of  the  list  of 
St  Paul's  greetings  to  various  persons  the 
usual  greetings  from  persons  in  the  writer's 
company  seem  to  be  summed  up  in  the 
sentence  "  All  the  Churches  of  Christ  salute 
you,"  there  still  follows,  after  the  usual  con- 
cluding benediction,  another  succession  of 
greetings  (21-23),  which  would  be  in  better 
context  directly  after  verse  16  if  the  two 
passages  belonged  to  the  same  original 
document. 

If,  however,  we  remove  xvi.  1-20,  the 
greetings  of  xvi.  21-23  connect  quite  naturally 
with  xv.  33  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  separated 
passage  wants  nothing  but  an  address  to  make 
it  a  complete  epistle.  It  would  then  be  for  us 
a  very  interesting  example  of  those  letters  of 


St  Paul  95 

commendation  referred  to  in  2  Cor.  iii.  11.  It 
would  be  a  letter  of  purely  personal  character. 
The  long  list  of  greetings  interwoven  with 
emphatic  statements  of  personal  relationship 
between  the  writer  and  his  readers,  and  with 
reminiscences  of  experiences  they  had  shared 
together,  gives  the  impression  that  the  letter 
was  written  to  restore  relations  that  had 
become  strained  or  broken.  The  sending  of  a 
greeting  from  all  the  Churches  of  Christ  is  a 
peculiar  trait  which  suggests  that  the  letter 
was  written  during  a  journey  of  the  Apostle 
among  his  convert  Churches.  If  it  be  asked 
whither  the  letter  may  be  supposed  to  have 
been  addressed,  the  first  place  that  occurs  to  us  is 
Ephesus,  though  no  certain  proof  can  be  given 
that  this  was  so.  St  Paul — according  to  Acts 
xix.  8  10,  22  bad  dwelt  in  this  city  consider- 
ably more  than  two  years,  and  therefore  had 
certainly  founded  communities  in  other  cities 
of  the  province  of  Asia  or  had  at  least  come 
into  personal  communication  with  them  from 
Ephesus  :is  a  centre,  just   as   he   had   done   in 


96      Early  Christian   Literature 

Macedonia  and  Achaia  (cf.  2  Cor.  i.  1). 
According  to  the  tradition  followed  in  Acts 
xx.  16  /!,  St  Paul  had  reason  not  to  visit  Ephesus 
on  his  journey  to  Jerusalem.  We  remember 
that,  in  accordance  with  principles  often  ex- 
pressed in  the  epistles  to  the  Corinthians,  he 
avoided  visits  to  communities  with  which  he 
was  in  strained  relations.  The  earnest,  brief 
reprimands  of  xvi.  17-20  suggest  that  this  was 
the  case  with  the  community  to  which  our 
letter  was  addressed.  If  the  persons  greeted 
were  scattered  throughout  different  cities  of 
the  province  of  Asia,  and  if  Phoebe's  business 
led  her  not  only  to  Ephesus  but,  as  may  be 
conjectured,  also  to  other  cities,  then  we  more 
easily  understand  why  the  epistle  wants  a 
definite  address.  The  letter  would  not  have 
been  addressed  to  a  particular  community,  but 
would  have  been  given  to  Phoebe  to  present  at 
any  stage  of  her  travels  in  the  province  of  Asia. 
Its  connection  with  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  in  the  collection  of  Pauline  epistles  is 
most    clearly   explained    if,   as    we  have  con- 


St  Paul  97 

jectured,  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  was  also 
written  in  Corinth  during  that  last  missionary 
journey  sketched  in  Acts  xx.  1-3.  It  is 
possible  that  both  letters  stood  together  in 
St  Paul's  own  collection  of  his  epistles — seeing 
that  they  were  composed  at  the  same  time — 
and  that  they  have  therefore  grown  into  one 
in  the  course  of  tradition. 


6.  The  Epistles  to  the  Colossiaxs 
and  to  Philemon. 

These  two  much  shorter  writings  conduct  us 
from  the  grand  ideas  which  rule  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Romans  back  again  to  concrete 
questions  of  detail  such  as  must  crop  up  from 
time  to  time  in  the  daily  life  of  a  Christian 
community.  The  Apostle  speaks  of  himself 
as  a  prisoner.  These  letters  are  no  longer 
written  in  the  midst  of  the  stress  of  missionary 
labour.  The  restless  traveller  and  worker  is 
condemned  to   inactivity.      We  are  anxious  to 

find  out   whether   we  can    trace   in   the  epistle 

7 


98       Early   Christian   Literature 

any  influence  of  this  enforced  idleness  upon 
the  character  of  the  Apostle.  He  says  nothing 
of  the  place  of  his  imprisonment — of  course  his 
readers  knew  this.  The  only  places  in  question 
can  be  Ca?sarea  in  Palestine  and  Rome  (Acts 
xxii.-xxviii.).  The  determination  of  the 
question  is  not  of  importance  ;  yet  the  personal 
notes  in  the  epistle,  more  especially  the  fact 
that  a  slave  who  had  deserted  his  master  in 
Colossae  had  met  with  St  Paul,  are  much  more 
easily  explained  if  the  Apostle  was  dwelling 
not  in  a  remote  provincial  city  but  in  Rome, 
the  capital  of  the  world. 

In  one  point,  however,  this  epistle  to  the 
Colossians  coincides  with  the  Epistle  to  the 
Romans.  The  Church  in  Colossae,  one  of  the 
chief  cities  of  the  province  of  Asia,  to  which 
the  epistle  is  addressed,  like  the  Church  in 
Rome,  was  not  founded  by  St  Paul.  With 
this  city  he  had  also,  as  we  learn  from  his 
letter,  no  personal  relations  of  any  kind.  We 
do  not  learn  whether  the  case  was  otherwise 
with    Laodicea    and    Hierapolis,    whither    he 


St  Paul  99 

sends  greetings  (iv.  13^.)-  The  epistle  shows 
us  how,  in  spite  of  the  Apostle's  withdrawal 
from  his  missionary  work,  the  horizon  of  the 
Christian  movement  still  grows  wider  and 
wider  ;  but  also  how  that  movement  still  bears 
a  thoroughly  Pauline  character,  at  least  in  the 
province  of  Asia.  The  Apostle  is  plainly  the 
final  authority  even  for  those  Christians  who 
have  never  seen  him.  He  declares  himself 
very  satisfied  with  the  religious  condition  and 
development  of  the  Christians  of  Colossae 
(i.  3  /!,  ii.  5).  He  has  also  had  reason  to 
write  a  letter  to  Laodicea,  and  he  wishes  both 
Churches  to  exchange  and  read  the  letters 
addressed  to  each.  The  occasion  of  the  letter 
likewise  shows  the  authority  of  the  great 
missionary.  The  Colossians  are  troubled  by 
problems  of  the  Christian  life  which  they 
themselves  cannot  solve.  One  of  them, 
Epaphras  by  name,  whom  St  Paul  calls  a 
faithful  servant  of  Christ,  and  his  own 
fellow-servant,  has  visited  him  in  Home 
(i.   7  /.,   iv.    12)  and   has  laid   these  difficulties 


ioo    Early   Christian   Literature 

before  him.  Whether  his  journey  was  under- 
taken for  this  purpose,  or  whether  it  only 
gave  him  a  welcome  opportunity  for  consult- 
ing the  Apostle,  we  have  no  means  of  know- 
ing. As  Epaphras  is  still  detained  in  Rome, 
St  Paul  sends  to  Colossal  a  certain  Tychicus, 
one  of  his  own  company,  who,  according  to 
Acts  xx.  4,  is  at  home  in  the  province  of 
Asia.  He  is  appointed  to  be  the  bearer  of 
the  letter,  which  he  is  to  supplement  viva  voce 
by  all  kinds  of  news  of  a  personal  character 
(iv.  7/.). 

In  his  letter  St  Paul  tactfully  brings  himself 
into  accord  with  this  strange  Church  by  ex- 
pressing himself  in  great  detail  both  concern- 
ing themselves  and  their  religious  condition 
(i.  3-23),  and  concerning  himself  and  his 
calling  (i.  24— ii.  3).  Here  we  are  struck  by 
the  strangeness  of  the  section  (i.  14-20)  which 
illustrates  the  work  of  redemption  perfected  in 
Christ  from  so  many  points  of  view,  and  with 
such  wealth  of  detail  as  to  be  quite  surprising 
in  this  place.     Also,  in  i.  27,  Christ  is  placed 


St  Paul  101 

in  the  foreground  with  special  emphasis. 
With  this  preface  there  now  follows  the 
wished-for  reply  to  the  questions  submitted  to 
him  (ii.  4-iii.  4).  These  are  concerned  with 
ideas  introduced  from  without  into  the  com- 
munity, which  have  indeed  up  to  the  present 
been  rejected  by  the  Colossian  Christians, 
though  they  do  not  feel  themselves  capable 
of  refuting  them.  Indeed  the  Colossian 
Christians  show  themselves  wanting  in  an 
intimate  comprehension  of  the  Gospel  with 
all  its  consequences,  hence  in  the  first  part  of 
the  epistle  (i.  9,  28  ;  ii.  2/!),  and  again  in  the 
last  part  (iii.  1<>),  the  Apostle  desires  for  them 
increase  in  such  knowledge.  The  ideas  that 
have  been  mentioned  clearly  spring  from  doubt 
in  the  certainty  of  Salvation  ;  hence  the  con- 
tinual fresh  assertion  of  its  present  possession 
(i.  5,  I. 'J.  28,  27).  The  ultimate  cause  of  this 
weakness  of  faith  is  the  doubt  whether  the 
work  of  Christ  is  fully  sufficient  for  Salvation  : 
hence  the  detailed  proof  that  all  has  been 
accomplished    (i.    22,    ii.     10   1.0).       And    now 


102    Early  Christian  Literature 

people  have  .appeared  in  the  community  who 
declare  that  for  a  man  to  be  saved  there 
is  still  need  of  personal  works  of  all  kinds. 
They  give  theological  reasons  for  their 
doctrine,  and  claim  to  possess  a  higher  wisdom 
(ii.  8,  23).  The  opinions  they  advance  do  not 
affect  the  conception  of  the  person  of  Christ, 
as  many  have  imagined,  but  deal  with  the 
conduct  of  a  true  Christian  (ii.  20,  22). 
They  must  observe  feast-days  and  keep 
ordinances  regulating  food  (ii.  16-23).  In 
this  way  they  must  serve  the  angelic  powers 
which  bear  sway  in  this  world.  Without 
doubt  these  ideas  originated  in  Jewish 
soil ;  yet  they  betray  traces  not  of  the 
Judaism  of  Palestine  but  of  a  Judaism 
essentially  freer,  laying  more  stress  upon 
asceticism,  and  revelling  in  speculation  like 
that  which,  as  we  know,  prevailed  in  Alex- 
andria. In  the  main  these  ideas  involve  the 
usual  demands  made  of  Gentiles  who  wished 
to  have  some  share  in  the  fellowship  and 
spiritual    blessings    of    Israel — those    Gentiles 


St  Paul  103 

"  that  feared  God  "  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles. 

In  order  to  refute  these  claims,  St  Paul 
establishes  the  unique  significance  of  the  Person 
of  Christ  far  transcending  all  angelic  powers ; 
he  emphasises  more  especially  Christ's  position 
as  Head  of  the  whole  Creation,  in  consequence 
of  which  His  work  of  reconciliation  extends 
to  and  includes  the  whole  universe  and  the 
angels  who  support  and  direct  it.  St  Paul's 
arguments  here  are  similar  to  those  of  the 
author  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  in  its 
first  two  chapters. 

Then  in  opposition  to  the  super-spiritual 
doctrine  of  these  false  teachers  St  Paul 
expounds  the  simple  ethical  demands  of  the 
Christian  Faith  (iii.  4-iv.  6).  We  have  in 
this  passage  a  most  valuable  proof  of  the 
healthy  soundness  of  his  conceptions.  It 
takes  the  form  of  a  table  of  duties  in  which 
are  established  the  fundamental  principles 
(1)  of  the  individual  life  (iii.  5  -17);  (2)  of  life 
in  society,  including  marriage  and  the  mutual 


104    Early  Christian  Literature 

relations  of  children  and  parents,  of  master  and 
slave  (iii.  18-iv.  1);  (3)  of  conduct  towards 
those  that  are  without  (iv.  2-6) — a  section 
which,  in  its  fundamental  thoughts  and  its 
general  scheme,  vividly  reminds  us  of  Romans 
xii.-xiii.  A  succession  of  personal  notes  gives 
us  fairly  intimate  glimpses  into  the  circum- 
stances of  St  Paul's  life  at  this  time  (iv.  7-17) ; 
and  the  letter  is  brought  to  a  conclusion  by 
a  greeting  from  the  Apostle's  own  hand,  and 
a  petition,  disclosing  to  us  the  spirit  of  the 
fettered  eagle — "Remember  my  bonds!" 
(iv.  18). 

This  epistle  is  an  example  showing  us  how 
St  Paul,  under  the  pressure  of  questions  con- 
cerning the  practical  religious  life,  was  led  to 
formulate  doctrinal  theories.  This  theoretical 
tendency  was,  of  course,  heightened  by  the 
influence  of  enforced  leisure  upon  his  active, 
restless  spirit.  And  besides,  upon  this  occasion 
the  champions  of  the  doctrines  which  he 
refutes  founded  them  upon  philosophy  (ii.  8). 
He  must  therefore  follow  them  into  their  own 


St   Paul  105 

camp.  The  speculations  here  advanced  by  St 
Paul  show  still  more  clearly  than  Gal.  iii.-iv. 
the  dependence  of  his  thought  upon  the 
Jewish  Messianic  conceptions  which  he  had 
once  learned  at  the  feet  of  the  Rabbis.  It  is 
interesting  to  note  that  his  ideas  about 
hold  the  mean  between  those  which  were 
developed  in  the  Palestinian  and  in  the  Alex- 
andrian schools  of  Jewish  theology.  Hence 
there  is  no  ground  for  doubting  the  Pauline 
authorship  of  this  epistle  because  of  its  peculiar 
and  characteristic  doctrines,  seeing  also  that 
they  may  be  at  least  traced  here  and  there 
in  earlier  writings  of  St  Paul.  Only  in  the 
section,  i.  15-20,  we  seem  to  detect  a  later 
expansion  of  the  statement  of  the  context 
concerning  the  significance  of  the  personality 
of  Christ.  This  section,  however,  must  have 
found  a  place  in  the  epistle  at  a  very  early 
date.  Its  faulty  composition,  and  the  want 
of  clearness  shown  in  the  development  of  the 
thought  of  this  passage,  cannot  he  ascribed  to 
St  Paul  himself. 


106    Early  Christian   Literature 

The  accompanying  Epistle  to  Philemon. 

Together  with  the  former  epistle  a  letter  of 
purely  personal  character  was  sent  to  a  notable 
member  of  the  Colossian  Church.  It  is  the 
only  example  of  a  Pauline  epistle  of  this  kind 
that  has  been  preserved  in  its  original  form. 
It  is  addressed  to  a  certain  Philemon  whom 
St  Paul  calls  his  friend  and  fellow-worker,  and 
also  to  one  Apphia,  and  one  Archippus  whom 
he  describes  as  a  fellow-soldier,  and  to  the 
Church  of  the  household  of  Philemon.  The 
letter  is  occasioned  by  a  runaway  slave  of 
Philemon,  Onesimus  by  name,  who  had  some- 
how met  with  St  Paul.  Whether  he  was 
already  a  Christian  or  was  converted  by  St 
Paul  is,  unfortunately,  not  clearly  stated.  St 
Paul  had  convinced  Onesimus  that  it  was  his 
duty  to  return  to  his  master.  Tychicus  was 
charged  to  conduct  him  to  Colossse.  St  Paul 
himself  gives  Onesimus  a  charming  letter  in 
which  he  pleads  for  the  runaway  with 
a    delicate,    tactful,    half-playful    wit    which 


St  Paul  107 

vividly  reminds  us  of  the  letters  of  Luther. 
Especially  delightful  is  the  way  in  which,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  letter  (4-7),  he  gains  touch 
with  the  slave's  master,  Philemon,  who  was 
evidently  personally  unknown  to  him.  The 
whole  epistle  is  a  perfect  jewel  of  the  intimate 
epistolary  style  of  a  hero  whom  we  otherwise 
meet  with  only  on  the  heights  of  grand  world- 
moving  action.  In  its  own  peculiar  way  it 
convinces  us  of  his  surpassing  greatness  alike 
in  mind  and  heart. 


7.   The  Epistle  to  the  Philippians. 

We  are  treading  upon  very  sacred  ground 
as  \vc  read  this  epistle.  It  is  without  doubt 
the  last  from  St  Pauls  hand.  The  thought 
of  departure,  of  death,  broods  over  the 
letter.  No  formal  doctrinal  statements,  no 
long  chains  of  reasoning  arc  here  addressed  to 
the  readers  ;  there  is  no  trace  of  polemical 
controversy  with  them.  All  is  the  expression 
of  personal  belief  and  feeling,  the  out-breathing 


io8     Early   Christian   Literature 

of  the  very  soul  of  the  writer.  The  Church 
to  which  the  letter  is  written  evidently  stood 
closer  than  all  others  to  the  heart  of  the  Apostle. 
His  friendly  relations  with  it  had  never  been 
disturbed,  its  past  history  recalls  no  bitter 
memories.  He  had  granted  it  many  privileges 
which  show  his  absolute  trust ;  hence  the  letter 
bears  a  peculiarly  intimate  character.  Even 
its  occasion  is  characteristic.  The  Christians 
of  Philippi  had  made  a  collection  among 
themselves  for  the  support  of  the  imprisoned 
Apostle,  as  St  Paul  had  already  permitted 
them  to  do  in  former  days — them  alone  of  all 
his  convert  Churches.  One  of  their  number, 
Epaphroditus,  has  conveyed  their  alms  to 
Rome.  The  passage  in  which  St  Paul  returns 
thanks  for  this  gift  (iv.  10-20)  presents  as 
tactful  a  treatment  of  a  delicate  matter  as 
can  well  be  found  in  the  whole  range  of  higher 
literature.  The  Philippian  messenger  had 
been  stricken  with  sickness  near  unto  death, 
therefore  his  return  was  delayed  (ii.  25-30). 
Now,  however,  he  is  so  far  restored  to  health 


St   Paul  109 

that   he  can  think  of  his  journey  homewards 
(ii.  25-28/).     St  Paul  sends  this  letter  with 
him,  together  with  the  promise  that  Timothy, 
one  of  his  most  faithful  followers,  should  very 
shortly  pay  a  return  visit  to  Philippi  in   the 
name   of    the   Apostle    (ii.    19-22).     But    St 
Paul   does   not  wait   until    Timothy  can    tell 
them    news    of    him ;    and    accordingly   after 
thanksgiving   to    God  (with  which  he  always 
began  his  epistles)  for  the  excellent  condition 
of   the   community,  and  after  expressing   his 
yearning   for  them  (i.    3-11),  he  proceeds   to 
inform  them  of  his  affairs.     First  we  learn  the 
fact  that  in  the  course  of  his  trial  St  Paul  had 
been  acquitted  of  any  suspicion    of  ordinary 
crime,  and  that  at  the  time  of  writing  the  only 
question  under  investigation  was  whether  his 
missionary  activity  for  the  promotion  of  Chris- 
tianity was  a  penal  offence.      He  is  full  of  joy 
because  thus  Christ  is  every  way  proclaimed 
he  cares  not  from  whatever  motives  -  so  that 
now  even   his  trial    forwards   the   work   of  I  he 
mission  (i.  12    18).      And   then   lie   pours   forth 


iio    Early   Christian   Literature 

his  whole  soul  before  his  faithful  Philippians. 
The  tide  of  feeling  ebbs  and  flows  between 
yearning  for  death  and  hope  that  he  may  be 
spared  to  carry  on  his  work.  But  all  is 
elevated  above  the  sphere  of  self.  We  trace 
in  these  words  that,  as  he  himself  says,  "  for 
him  to  live  is  Christ."  The  glory  and  peace 
of  eternity  broods  over  his  whole  personality. 

In  a  fresh  section  (i.  27-ii.  18)  St  Paul  comes 
to  the  circumstances  of  the  Philippian  Church, 
in  which  there  is  a  want  of  real  unity  of  spirit 
(i.  27-ii.  2  /'.).  There  is  of  course  no  open 
schism,  no  Judaistic  propaganda  perplexes  the 
conscience,  but  persecutions  from  without  and 
spiritual  pride  within  disturb  the  harmony  and 
peace  of  the  community.  Even  personal 
quarrels  contribute  to  this  evil  (iv.  2f.).  It  is 
not  clear  who  are  the  adversaries  of  i.  28 — 
they  may  with  equal  probability  be  Jews  or 
heathen.  The  exhortation  to  unity  culminates 
in  an  exhortation  to  humility  (ii.  4).  The 
humility  of  Christ,  who  though  He  was  in  the 
form  of  God  yet  humbled  Himself,  is  held  up 


St   Paul  in 

as  an  example.  Here  again  a  purely  practical 
motive  has  led  the  Apostle  to  hand  down  to 
us  one  of  the  loftiest  expressions  of  his  faith 
in  Christ  (ii.  5-11).  Then  the  writer  seems 
to  hasten  towards  the  end  of  his  letter  in  the 
section  ii.  19-30.  This  section  is  filled  with  the 
personal  matters  mentioned  at  the  beginning 
of  the  epistle.  But  it  seems,  indeed,  as  if 
St  Paul  could  not  bring  this  intimate  talk  to 
a  conclusion.  Yet  again,  evidently  with  the 
thought  of  finishing,  he  repeats  the  words  of 
ii.  18:  "Finally,  my  brethren,  rejoice  in  the 
Lord.  To  write  the  same  things  to  you  to 
me  indeed  is  not  irksome,  but  for  you  it  is 
safe"  fin.  1).  But  then  he  suddenly  bursts 
forth  with  an  invective  against  the  Jews  in 
such  sharp  and  bitter  terms  as  we  scarcely 
find  elsewhere  in  his  epistles  (iii.  2  /'.).  He 
evidently  strives  to  express  himself  as  strongly 
as  possible,  and  \vc  may  therefore  conclude 
that  those  who  were  embarrassing  by  their 
intrigues  the  course  of  his  tri.-il  at  Home  (i.  17), 
as  well  as  the  adversaries  who  were  persecuting 


112    Early   Christian   Literature 

the  Philippians  (i.  28),  were  most  probably  the 
Jews,  his  sworn  foes.     At  this  moment  he  is 
most   deeply  moved  by  their  personal  malice 
against   himself.     They   must  have  made  the 
grossest  attacks  upon  his  honour  and  his  past 
history  as  a  Jew.     Thanks  to  them,  we  now 
learn    something    concerning    St    Paul's    life 
before  his  conversion,  concerning  times  which 
lie  for  him  in  the  distant  past  (iii.  4-6).     The 
reaction  from   these  memories  moves  him  to 
a  most  heartfelt,  most  humble,  and  yet  most 
noble  profession  of  his  fellowship  with  Christ 
(7-11),  followed  by  a  sorrowful  admission  that 
he  is  still  far  from  having  attained  to  the  goal 
of   perfection    set    before    him    (12-14),    and 
concluding  with  the  consoling  thought  that  in 
Christianity    perfection    consists    in    untiring 
effort  together  with  the  humble  consciousness 
of  insufficiency  (15).     As  a  contrast  he  now 
turns  his  gaze  upon  Christians  who,  it  seems 
from  i.  3-11,  cannot  belong  to  the  Philippian 
community,  and  yet  are  in  such  close  contact 
with  it  or  with  him  that  he  even  weeps  over 


St  Paul  113 

them.  He  calls  them  "  enemies  of  the  Cross 
of  Christ  whose  end  is  perdition,  whose  God 
is  the  belly,  whose  glory  is  in  their  shame, 
who  mind  earthly  things"  (hi.  18/.).  We 
learn  nothing  more  of  these  people,  but  the 
offences  referred  to  can  only  have  been  such 
gross  moral  scandals  as,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  St  Paul's  epistles,  troubled 
almost  every  Church.  Now,  once  again,  the 
conclusion  seems  to  draw  near  as  we  hear  the 
words  repeated :  "  Rejoice  in  the  Lord 
alway '  (iv.  4).  But  the  Apostle  adds  some 
short  words  of  blessing  and  admonition  which 
arc  to  be  counted  among  the  noblest  of  St 
Pauls  gifts  to  posterity.  Nowhere  has  the 
born  Jew,  the  rabbi,  approached  so  closely  to 
the  moral  ideal  of  the  Greek  philosophers  as 
in  the  conceptions  of  honour  and  worth  which 
he  here  strings  together  (8).  It  is,  indeed,  the 
only  time  that  the  Greek  idea  of  virtue 
appears  in  tin  New  Testament,  for  in  "what- 
soever is  lovely,  whatsoever  is  of  good  report" 

the    beautiful    stands    side    by    side    with    the 

8 


114    Early   Christian   Literature 

good  in  close  fellowship.  It  is  as  if  one 
heard  the  ripple  of  the  waves  at  the  meeting 
of  the  two  streams  which  have  their  source  in 
Zion  and  the  Parthenon.  Paul  in  Athens, 
and  at  the  same  time  Paul  raised  high  above 
all  the  glories  and  the  afflictions  of  earth — this, 
figuratively  speaking,  is  the  twofold  memorial 
that  the  Apostle  has  left  of  himself  in  his  last 
epistle,  which  may  in  truth  be  called  his 
swan-song. 

#4*.  at  jt  ji. 

"7T  *7T  TV"  Tv" 

Again  and  again  men  have  imagined  that 
they  have  discovered  reasons  for  doubting  the 
genuineness  of  one  or  other  of  these  letters 
which  we  have  just  discussed.  Such  suspi- 
cions have  been  most  often  urged  against 
the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians,  less  frequently 
against  the  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  and 
still  less  frequently  against  that  to  the 
Philippians.  These  doubts  have  had  their 
origin  in  the  supposition  of  scholars  that  the 
great  epistles  to  Corinth,  Galatia,  and  Rome 


St   Paul  115 

presented  St  Paul's  mind  in  its  completeness, 
so  that  he  must  always  have  expressed  himself 
as  he  does  in  these  epistles  and  could  never 
have  given  utterance  to  other  thoughts  or 
be  moved  by  other  feelings  than  those  he 
champions  and  cherishes  therein.  But  even 
in  these  very  epistles  St  Paul  displays  such 
a  facility  in  change  of  expression,  such  an 
unexhaustible  power  of  considering  a  matter 
from  many  points  of  view,  and  such  ease  in 
adapting  himself  to  the  standpoint  of  those  he 
wishes  to  convince,  that  the  standard  proposed 
is  much  too  inadequate.  Before  all  things 
these  letters  clearly  show  that  he  had  fashioned 
for  himself  no  final  theological  system,  that 
he  was  not  over-anxious  not  to  contradict 
himself  now  and  again  (as  pedants  might  judge 
contradiction),  and  that  he  was  always  capable 
of  starting  upon  new  lines  of  thought  to  meet 
new  problems.  In  the  case  at  least  of  the 
Epistles  to  the  Thessalonians  and  Philippians 
it  is  difficult  to  discover  any  reason  for 
a   supposed    forgery    seeing    that   both   letters 


1 1 6    Early   Christian   Literature 

are  artless  expressions  of  feeling.  But  even 
the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  fits  so  well 
into  the  general  scheme  of  St  Paul's  thought, 
speaks  so  much  in  his  language,  and  offers 
such  an  abundance  of  incident  that  is  quite 
out  of  touch  with  the  interests  of  later  times, 
that  in  spite  of  many  a  peculiarity  this  letter 
still  seems  to  be  most  easily  understood  on  the 
supposition  that  it  proceeded  from  the  hand 
of  St  Paul  himself. 

Many  scholars,  however,  of  recent  years 
have  advanced  far  beyond  the  point  of 
questioning  the  genuineness  of  single  epistles. 
They  assert  that  the  whole  body  of  Pauline 
literature  had  its  origin  in  the  second  century, 
and  was  composed  with  the  view  of  settling 
questions,  which  could  only  have  occupied  the 
minds  of  men  at  the  beginning  of  the  second 
century,  by  means  of  the  authority  of  a  famous 
missionary  of  the  first  generation.  This 
supposition  makes  shipwreck  upon  the  hard 
fact  that  the  whole  documentary  evidence  of 
the  second  century  presents  not  a  shadow  of 


St  Paul  117 

a  proof  that  the  question  which  above  all 
others  is  dealt  with  in  the  epistles — Whether 
the  Jewish  Law  is  still  binding  upon  Christians? 
— occupied  the  minds  of  the  men  of  that 
period.  But  still  stronger  refutation  is  afforded 
in  the  impossibility  that  the  mighty  creative 
personality  revealed  in  these  epistles,  a 
personality  which  soars  far  above  all  products 
of  the  second  century,  could  ever  be  the 
fabrication  of  a  forger.  We  can  indeed  only 
understand  this  personality  by  assuming  its 
actual  development  starting  from  a  position 
of  strict  Judaism,  and  then  by  a  sudden  and 
violent  breach  with  former  associations  giving 
in  its  allegiance  to  the  glorified  Christ  who 
was  for  a  short  time  revealed  upon  earth — in 
Jesus — in  order  to  inaugurate  the  work  which 
His  apostle  now  carries  forward  with  ceaseless 
energy.  Again,  this  strange  hypothesis  is 
disproved  by  ;i  multitude  of  details,  quite 
unconnected  with  the  supposed  aim  of*  the 
epistles,  and  yet  so  carefully  and  fully  treated 
therein    as    to    compel    us    to    assume    in    the 


1 1 8    Early   Christian   Literature 

author  a  talent  for  romance  which  is  by  no 
means  congenial  to  the  soil  of  the  second 
Christian  century.  And  finally,  there  would 
still  remain  to  be  solved  this  primary  literary 
mystery — How  it  happened  that  these  letters 
could  establish  themselves  so  quickly  in 
Christendom  and  could  so  absolutely  trans- 
form the  whole  tradition  concerning  the  first 
generation  of  Christians  ? 

No  indeed  !  in  these  letters  we  possess  an 
imperishable  memorial  of  one  of  the  grandest 
spirits  of  humanity,  of  one  who  fulfilled  in 
many  respects  the  ideal  of  a  noble  Christian 
character — a  monument  set  up  at  one  of  the 
most  critical  turning  points  of  human  history. 
These  letters  enshrine  for  us  a  religious  soul, 
original  and  creative,  in  spite  of  all  its  depen- 
dence upon  the  contemporary  conceptions — a 
spirit  of  wondrous  depth  that  expresses  itself 
in  terms  of  marvellously  universal  application 
in  spite  of  their  strongly-marked  individual 
character.  Of  course  this  can  only  be  realised 
when  one  regards  these  letters  not  as  quarries 


St  Paul  1 1 9 

whence  one  may  hew  four-square  dogmas,  but 
as  a  temple  wherein  pillars  and  carvings  that 
once    adorned    some    old    synagogue    cannot 
disturb     the     overpowering     impression     of 
grandeur    and    harmony    made    upon    us    as 
we   view   it.       But   no !   this    simile   will  not 
suffice !      There   is   nothing   of  the  nature  of 
stone  in  these  epistles  :  all  is  living  personality, 
mobile,    manifold,    and    various,    the  true  off- 
spring of  its  times  and  bearing  the  stamp  of 
its  environment,  and  yet  bringing  to  expres- 
sion  that  inmost   nature  of  man   which   ever 
remains    the    same.      As    we   gaze    upon    the 
great    literary    memorials    of   the    Greeks    we 
may    well    question    whether    these     Pauline 
letters    arc    not    equal    to    them — indeed,    do 
not    surpass    them— in    spiritual    significance, 
in   psychological   depth   and   loftiness  of  ideal, 
above  all   in  the  art  of  complete  and   forcible 
expression.       It    is    beyond    controversy    that 
no   (ireek   classic   has  exercised  such   influence 
upon    the    general    trend    of    human    thought 

and    endeavour,    or    like    these    letters     lias 


120    Early   Christian   Literature 

been  able  to  preserve  such  a  never-ageing 
power  of  impressing  each  new  generation ; 
certainly  none  has  been  able  to  keep  alive  for 
all  time  the  personality  of  its  author  with  such 
intimate  and  compelling  force  of  appeal. 


II 

THE  GOSPELS 

The  writings  which  were  at  a  later  time  called 
gospels  were  in  the  first  place  composed 
not  for  a  particular  circle  of  Christians  and  to 
supply  its  temporary  needs,  as  were  the 
Pauline  epistles,  but  for  all  Christians  ;  indeed, 
for  all  who  took  interest  in  Christianity,  even 
though  the  authors  may  have  had  their  own 
particular  communities  in  mind  when  writing. 
Their  purpose  is  not  to  offer  something  of 
their  own,  but  to  hold  fast  that  which  had 
been  delivered  to  them — the  words  of  Jesus 
and  the  events  of  His  life.  These  books  are 
not  declarations  of  faith,  but  records  ;  the  eye 
of  the  author  is  fixed  not  so  much  upon  the 
present  and  the  future  as  upon  the  past. 

I  [erewith  a  new  and  characteristic  phenome 

121 


122     Early   Christian   Literature 

non  makes  its  appearance.  Letters  are  written, 
as  a  matter  of  course,  everywhere  where  men 
who  wish  to  communicate  with  one  another 
are  separated  from  one  another  by  space.  It 
is  only  natural  that  there  arose  also  among  the 
Christians  epistles — creations  of  the  moment 
serving  the  immediate  need  of  the  present. 
The  composition  of  a  book  is  quite  a  different 
thing,  and  the  gospels  are  books.  There  is 
need  here  of  a  wider  outlook.  The  author  of 
a  book  purposes  to  offer  something  to  a  wider, 
more  or  less  unlimited,  circle,  something  of 
essential  and  lasting  significance ;  his  under- 
taking demands  much  preparatory  labour — he 
must  collect,  he  must  chose  and  arrange  his 
material.  It  is,  in  fact,  a  question  of  a  work, 
as  we  say,  not  of  a  letter. 

But  the  production  of  gospels  in  primitive 
Christendom  is,  besides,  noteworthy  from  two 
other  points  of  view  which  are  closely  con- 
nected with  one  another.  The  first  generation 
held  its  gaze  fixed  upon  the  future ;  it  looked 
for  the   coming   of  the   Messiah   to  bring  all 


The  Gospels  123 

things  to  perfection.  The  earthly  activity  of 
Jesus  was  for  them  only  a  preliminary 
condition  of  this  future  coming,  and  its  chief 
significance  lay  in  His  death.  The  origin  of 
a  gospel  literature  is  a  sign  of  a  change  of 
outlook.  The  future  loses  its  fascination,  its 
light  begins  to  grow  dim. 

Herewith  the  past  begins  again  to  show 
itself.  It  must  lend  its  aid  to  faith  in  the 
future,  it  must  teach  men  how  to  prepare  for 
this  future.  The  reflected  glory  of  the  future 
was  already  sought  in  the  past.  The  human 
form  of  Jesus,  after  the  death  which  had 
thrown  it  into  shadow,  had  given  place  to  that 
of  the  Christ  in  heavenly  glory.  Now  Jesus 
is  again  seen.  With  the  creation  of  the  gospels 
Christendom  begins  quite  unconsciously  to 
turn  from  the  future  to  the  past — a  new 
attitude  of  mind,  in  direct  opposition  to  the 
early  beginnings  of  Christianity  yet  charac- 
teristic of  the  new  religion  in  its  later  stage. 
That  it  was  a  question  here  of  a  real  change 
of    attitude   is    plain   from   St     Paul's  epistles. 


124    Early   Christian   Literature 

They  show  no  living  interest  in  the  material 
which  was  worked  up  in  the  gospels.  The 
object  of  St  Paul's  devotion  is  not  the  earthly 
form  of  Jesus  but  the  eternal  Christ,  who  only 
for  a  short  moment  appeared  in  Jesus,  in  the 
flesh  and  divested  of  His  Godhead,  that  He 
might  take  away  the  curse  of  sin.  St  Paul 
experiences  this  Christ  more  intimately  as  ever- 
present  spirit  than  in  the  historical  Jesus,  His 
past  form  of  manifestation.  Even  when  he 
occasionally  quotes  the  words  of  Jesus,  it  is 
never  in  connection  with  matters  of  faith  which 
he  regarded  as  most  precious  and  essential,  but 
only  as  an  authority  for  particular  rules  of 
conduct  (1  Cor.  vii.  10,  ix.  14,  xi.  23  f.)  or  for 
particular  traits  in  his  grand  picture  of  the 
future  (1  Thess.  iv.  15).  Such  an  one  had  no 
need  of  a  gospel. 

And  yet  we  should  certainly  err  did  we 
regard  St  Paid  as  typical  in  this  respect  of  all 
Christians,  even  those  only  of  the  first  genera- 
tion. Not  every  one,  indeed  scarcely  any  one 
among  the  Gentile  Christians,  had  in  former 


The  Gospels  125 

days  lived  in  such  an  atmosphere  of  Messianic 
hopes,  was  so  capable  of  dependence  upon  that 
which  was  purely  spiritual,  and  had  experienced 
a  conversion  so  completely  in  a  line  with  his 
peculiar  temperament  and  history.  Other 
souls,  with  a  more  urgent  need  for  some  object 
to  see  and  to  depend  upon,  sought  after  the 
image  of  Jesus  as  the  background  for  their 
conception  of  the  Christ  and  wished  to  hear 
His  words.  His  life  must  show  them  why  He 
is  the  Messiah.  They  would  see  and  hear  by 
His  example  how  they  must  live ;  His  words 
must  form  a  guarantee  for  their  hopes  for  the 
future.  And  above  all,  they  wished  for  a 
solution  of  the  mystery  that  this  Messiah 
must  die  upon  the  cross,  not  in  terms  of 
theological  conceptions  of  the  Divine  Counsel, 
but  in  simple  words  of  human  history  which 
would  make  them  realise  how  so  strange  an 
event  could  ever  have  come  to  pass. 

Hence  it  was  that  the  literature  of  t ho 
gospels  arose  in  its  characteristic  form.  This 
is  the  reason  why  these  gospels  are   hooks  of 


126    Early  Christian  Literature 

history  and  yet  not  books  of  history ;  why  in 
them  history  is  indeed  narrated,  but  not  for  its 
own  sake,  only  as  a  means  to  an  end  which 
lay  in  the  present  and  in  the  future. 

Even  if  we  had  not  the  testimony  of  St 
Luke  (i.  1)  that  many  attempts  had  been  made 
to  write  gospels,  those  writings  of  this  kind 
which  have  come  down  to  us  are  themselves 
a  proof  of  industrious  activity  in  this  sphere 
of  literature.  Without  regard  to  the  fact  that 
we  still  possess  testimony  to  the  existence  of 
other  similar  writings — of  which  unfortunately 
only  a  few  fragments  were  preserved  after  that 
those  received  into  the  New  Testament  had 
become  canonised — our  first  three  gospels  point 
back  to  literary  sources  worked  up  in  them. 
We  omit  the  Gospel  of  St  John  because  it 
does  not  belong  to  the  same  class  as  the  first 
three.  Careful  investigation  of  these  three 
gospels  has  made  it  clear : — ( 1 )  that  they  could 
not  have  been  written  independently  of  one 
another ;  (2)  that  none  of  them  is  the  work  of 
a  first  hand  ;  (3)  that  St  Matthew  and  St  Luke 


The  Gospels  127 

at  least  cannot  stand  in  a  direct  relationship 
of  dependence  upon  one  another.  These  facts, 
to  which  our  gospels  lend  testimony  which  is 
absolutely  beyond  controversy,  have  pointed 
out  to  Science  the  path  of  further  enquiry. 
Now  that  the  great  majority  of  scholars  are 
agreed  as  to  the  main  points  in  the  explanation 
of  the  relationship  of  our  three  gospels  one  to 
another,  it  may  be  allowed  that  we  at  once 
attempt  to  describe  the  development  of  gospel 
literature  from  its  first  beginnings,  instead  of 
starting  from  our  gospels  and  investigating 
their  mutual  relations  and  then  working  back- 
wards to  the  earlier  stages  of  this  literature. 

l.  St  Matthew's  Collection  of  Sayings. 

The  sole  authority  to  which  Christians  of 

the  second  century  constantly  appealed      beside 
the    Law  and   the    Prophets — was  "the   Lord' 
as  they  say,  or  more  precisely  what   the    Lord 
had    "proclaimed,"    bad    "said,"    had    "com- 
manded   — in  short,  the  Sayings  of  .Jesus.      It 


128    Early   Christian   Literature 

is  only  natural  that  the  first  literary  effort 
connected  with  the  tradition  of  the  life  of 
Jesus  should  be  devoted  to  the  compilation  of 
these  sayings.  The  literature  of  civilised 
peoples,  and  more  particularly  of  the  Jewish 
people,  affords  analogies  to  this  description  of 
literary  activity.  We  still  possess  compilations 
of  the  sayings  of  great  rabbis  of  that  period, 
which  were  in  similar  fashion  gradually 
collected  and  given  a  fixed  shape  in  writing. 
Nor  did  this  work  demand  any  special  literary 
talent.  The  value  of  the  result  depended  only 
upon  the  trustworthy  character  of  the  com- 
piler in  the  reception  and  delivery  of  the 
sayings.  His  literary  activity  comes  into 
play  only  in  choice  and  arrangement  of 
material,  and  in  the  short  historical  intro- 
ductions which  give  the  occasion  of  a  particular 
saying. 

A  compilation  of  this  kind  forms  the  chief 
source  of  the  material  which  is  common  to  the 
Gospels  of  St  Luke  and  St  Matthew  alone 
among   the   three.     We  can  here  only  state, 


The  Gospels  129 

not  prove  in  detail,  what  is  presupposed  in  the 
following  description — namely,  that  this  com- 
pilation is  preserved  in  its  original  order  in  St 
Luke,  not  in  St  Matthew.  But  perhaps  the 
most  conclusive  proof  of  the  correctness  of 
this  statement  is  afforded  by  the  fact  that 
if  we  simply  place  together  those  passages  of 
St  Luke  that  have  close  parallels  in  St 
Matthew  but  are  foreign  to  St  Mark,  we  find 
that  we  have  in  our  hands  a  collection  of 
sayings  of  Jesus  systematically  arranged 
according  to  distinct  leading  ideas.  1  here 
give  only  the  headings  which  bring  these 
leading  ideas  to  expression,  with  the  result 
that  we  arrive  at  the  following  list  :— 
The  appearance  and  reception  of  Jesus  :- 

( 1 )  Discourse  to  the  people  concerning  the 

right  conduct  of  men  one  to  another. 
(vi.  20  vii.  1.      Cf.  St  Matt.  v.   vii.) 

(2)  The    (.entile    Centurion,      (vii.    '2    10. 

Cf.   St   Matt.    viii.   5    18.) 
(8)   The     Jewish     Baptist.       <\ii.     I «  85. 
Cf.   St  Matt.   xi.  2-10.) 


130    Early   Christian   Literature 

The  disciples : — 

(1)  Offers    of    discipleship.      (ix.    57-62. 

Cf.  St  Matt.   viii.   19-22.) 

(2)  Vocation   of  discipleship.      (x.    1-24. 

Cf  St  Matt.  x.   1-15,  xi.  20-27.) 

(3)  The  disciples'  prayer,     (xi.  1-13.     Cf 

St  Matt.  vi.  9-13,  vii.  7-11.) 
The  adversaries : — 

(1)  The     calumnious     charges      of     the 

Pharisees,  (xi.  14-36.  Cf.  St  Matt, 
xii.  22-30,  43-45,  38-42;  vi.  22/.) 

(2)  The   condemnation    of  the  Pharisees. 

(xi.  37-54.     Cf  St  Matt,  xxiii.) 

(3)  Rules  of  conduct  in  relation  to  such 

foes.     (xii.    1-12.     Cf.   St  Matt.  x. 
26-33,  xii.  32,  x.  19/.) 
The  world : — 

(1)  The  right  attitude  of  disciples  towards 

worldly  goods.  ( xii.  22-34,  to  which 
xii.  13-21  perhaps  formed  an  intro- 
duction.    Cf  St  Matt.  vi.  20-33.) 

(2)  What   disciples  have  to  expect  from 

the    world.      (xii.    35-59.      Cf    St 


The  Gospels  131 

Matt.  xxiv.  42-51,  xxv.  1-13,  x. 
34-36,  xvi.  2/.,  v.  25/.) 
(3)  Signs  of  the  coming  storm,  xiii.  1-5  ; 
Judgment,  6-9 ;  and  final  perfec- 
tion, 18-21.  (Cf.  St  Matt.  xxi.  19, 
xiii.  31-33.) 
Forebodings  of  the  End  : — 

(1)  Sentence  delivered  against  the  people, 

the  prince,  the  city.  (xiii.  22-35. 
Cf  St  Matt.  vii.  13/,  xxv.  11/, 
vii.  22/,  viii.  11  /,  xix.  30,  xxiii. 
37-39.) 

(2)  Warnings  addressed  to  His  followers. 

(xiv.  15-27  or  -33  or  -35,  xv.  4-7, 
xvii.  1  4.  Cf.  St  Matt.  xxii.  2-10; 
x.  37./:  ;   xviii.  12    14.  0 /,  21/) 

(3)  The  end  of  the  world,     (xvii.  20  37. 

Cf.  St  Matt,  xxiv.) 
As  we  survey  this  material,   its  choice  and 
arrangement,    we    soon    perceive   the   literary 
character  of  the  compiler.      Above  all,    we  are 

struck    by  his  complete  self-effacement.     I  lis 

introductions  arc  of  the   most    meagre  descrip- 


132    Early   Christian   Literature 

tion,  generally  quite  colourless  and  formal — 
e.g.  vi.  20,  39  ;  xi.  29  ;  xii.  1,  54  ;  xiii.  6  ;  xiv. 
25.  Sometimes  he  enlivens  the  succession  of 
sayings  with  connective  remarks — e.g.  xi.  45, 
xii.  4.  Only  as  an  exception  do  we  find  a 
short  narrative  inserted  in  order  to  give  the 
right  setting  to  some  saying — e.g.  vii.  18-20  ; 
xi.  1,  14-16;  xiii.  31.  These,  though  most 
simple  in  style,  are  apt  and  to  the  point. 
Only  once  does  a  saying  of  the  Lord  require 
for  its  comprehension  a  more  developed  story 
(vii.  2-10),  and  this  is  very  well  told  in  a  style 
both  pleasing  and  vivid. 

A  second  impression  we  receive  is  that  the 
compiler  was  most  conscientious  and  careful 
in  his  acceptation  of  sayings  of  the  Lord. 
Scarcely  a  word  of  his  compilation  gives  cause 
for  doubt.  All  is  original ;  nothing  is  borrowed 
from  the  Old  Testament  or  from  the  sayings 
of  the  Rabbis ;  nor  do  we  discover  any  trace 
of  the  developed  religious  phraseology  of  the 
epistles  of  the  New  Testament.  In  style  and 
character  these  sayings  answer  closely  to  the 


The  Gospels  133 

words  of  Jesus  in  St  Mark,  to  which  they  are 
sometimes  only  doublets.  Thus  we  may 
compare  the  continuous  passages — St  Luke 
x.  4-11  with  St  Mark  vi.  8-11;  St  Luke 
xvii.  22-37  with  St  Mark  xiii.  4-6,  28-37; 
St  Luke  xi.  37-54  with  St  Mark  xii.  38-40 ; 
while  in  the  case  of  shorter  sayings  St  Luke 
xi.  16  is  parallel  to  St  Mark  viii.  11,  St  Luke 
xii.  1  to  St  Mark  viii.  15,  St  Luke  xiii.  18-21 
to  St  Mark  iv.  30-32,  St  Luke  xiv.  34  /  to 
St  Mark  ix.  50. 

As  far  as  the  choice  of  material  is  concerned, 
it  is  clear  that  little  interest  is  taken  in  the 
miraculous  and  in  dogma.  That  Jesus  worked 
miracles  is  mentioned  only  in  x.  13;  the  same 
is  said  of  the  disciples  in  x.  19.  The  only 
detailed  example  of  a  miracle  is  given  in  the 
account  of  the  healing  of  the  centurion's  servant 
(vii.  2  10).  Except  in  x.  22,  we  never  meet 
with  statements  concerning  the  person  of  .Jesus 
OT  His  work  of  redemption,  such  as  those  so 
often  put  forward  by  St  Paul.  Xor  has  the 
compiler  any  interest  in  chronology:  once  only, 


134    Early   Christian  Literature 

in  xiii.  22,  does  he  note  the  critical  turning  point 
in  the  public  ministry  of  our  Lord.  The  only 
facts  of  history  brought  before  us  are  these — 
the  imprisonment  of  the  Baptist  and  his  message 
to  Jesus  (vii.  18^.') ;  the  sending  forth  of  the 
disciples  (x.  Iff'.)',  the  petition  of  the  centurion 
(vii.  2  ff.) ;  the  feast  at  the  house  of  a  Pharisee 
(xi.  37  ff'.);  the  machinations  of  Herod  (xiii. 
31  ff'.);  and  finally,  two  contemporary  events 
in  Jerusalem  (xiii.  1  ff'.).  Otherwise  we  learn 
nothing  of  the  course  of  the  external  history 
of  our  Lord's  life. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  equally  obvious 
wherein  lay  the  special  interest  of  the  compiler. 
In  the  first  place  he  is  interested  in  the  ethical 
requirements  of  our  Lord's  teaching,  as,  for 
instance,  in  His  directions  prescribing  man's 
conduct  to  his  neighbour  or  in  regard  to  worldly 
goods  (vi.  20-49;  xii.  13-31,  33/);  more 
especially  in  what  our  Lord  demanded  of  His 
fellow  -  workers  and  followers  (x.  Iff'.;  xii. 
2-12,  35-48 ;  xiv.  26-35)  illustrated  by  the 
conversations  in  ix.  57-62.     Further  points  of 


The  Gospels  135 

importance  to  the  compiler  are  our  Lord's 
thoughts  concerning  prayer,  its  substance  and 
its  efficacy  (xi.  1-13) ;  also  His  decision  con- 
cerning Gentiles  (vii.  2-10),  His  criticism  of  the 
Baptist  (vii.  18-35)  and  of  His  opponents  (xi. 
37-  54) ;  again,  His  defence  against  calumnious 
misrepresentations  (xi.  14-36) ;  finally,  His 
references  to  His  death  (xii.  49/!,  xiii.  32  /). 
The  greatest  space  is,  however,  occupied  by 
sayings  which  emphasise  the  serious  import  of 
the  present,  or  describe  the  future,  its  terrors 
and  the  impending  judgment  (vi.  20-23 ;  xii. 
11/,  49-53,  54-50,  57-59;  xiv.  15-34;  and 
again  xii.  8/,  10,  32,  35-37,  38/,  40-48;  xiii. 
1-9,  22  30;  xvii.  20  37).  In  these  passages 
we  constantly  meet  with  the  phrase  "  Son  of 
Man"  (vi.  22;  vii.  84;  ix.  58;  xi.  80;  xii.  8, 
10,  10:  xvii.  22  24),  while  in  the  rest  of  St 
Luke,  omitting  the  sections  parallel  to  St 
Mark,  the  term  is  employed  only  in  xviii.  8, 
xix.  10.  "The  kingdom  of  God"  is  also  a 
favourite  subject  of  discourse  (vi.  20;  vii.  28; 
ix.  60,  62;   x.  «.).  11  ;   xi.  2,20;   xii.  31,32:   xiii. 


136    Early   Christian   Literature 

18,  20,  28 /! ;  xiv.  15  ;  xvii.  20/.)-  This  expres- 
sion is  found  in  the  rest  of  St  Luke,  again 
omitting  Markan  parallels,  only  in  the  phrase 
"  to  preach  the  gospel  of  the  kingdom  of  God  " 
(iv.  43,  viii.  1,  xvi.  16) ;  in  passages  dealing 
with  the  time  of  its  coming  (xix.  11,  xxi.  31) 
— a  question  which,  as  we  learn  from  Acts  i.  9, 
much  occupied  the  mind  of  the  author  and 
his  contemporaries  (these  verses  are  besides 
dependent  on  xvii.  20^.')  ;  in  the  verses  ix.  2, 
11,  which  are  taken  from  x.  9,  11,  and  have 
been  inserted  in  Markan  parallels  ;  finally,  in 
the  paraphrase  "My  kingdom"  (xxii.  29,  30, 
42).  Of  comparatively  rare  occurrence  are 
expressions,  which  we  constantly  meet  with 
elsewhere  in  the  gospel,  wherein  our  Lord  uses 
with  strong  emphasis  the  pronoun  of  the  first 
person  (vi.  46  ;  vii.  23  ;  xi.  23  ;  x.  16,  24 ;  xiv. 
26  ff\).  In  these  passages  a  claim  is  advanced 
which  is  scarcely  more  than  any  master  might 
make  of  his  disciples,  although  a  higher  self- 
consciousness  may  be  clearly  traced  in  the 
background.     The  word  "  Christ,"  which  occurs 


The  Gospels  137 

twelve  times  elsewhere  in  St  Luke,  together 
with  the  expression  "  Son  of  God,"  which 
elsewhere  occurs  nine  times,  does  not  appear 
in  our  compilation  of  sayings.  Messianic  tone 
and  colouring,  however,  declare  themselves  in 
the  sayings  (xvii.  23  /!,  26;  x.  22)  and  in 
the  parable  (xii.  35  Jf'.),  and  besides  in  the 
expression  "  Son  of  Man." 

As  far  as  concerns  arrangement,  longer 
passages,  which  have  clear  logical  connection 
throughout,  are  of  quite  rare  occurrence.  Such 
are  the  discourses  concerning  the  love  of  enemies 
(vi.  27-86),  against  anxiety  (xii.  22-31),  the 
narrative  concerning  the  centurion  (vii.  2-10), 
the  Beelzebub  controversy  (xi.  14-23),  the  word 
concerning  Herod  (xiii.  82  85),  the  exhortation 
to  perseverance  in  discipleship  (xiv.  25—85),  the 
prophecies  of  the  future  (xiii.  28  80,  xvii. 
20  37),  and  the  parables  of  the  Rich  Fool  (xii. 
l  .">  21)  and  of  the  Great  Supper  (xiv.  L5  24)— 
if  the  latter,  indeed,  belongs  to  the  original 
compilation. 

Elsewhere    the    compiler     is    satisfied    with 


138    Early   Christian   Literature 

placing  together  short  sayings  of  allied 
meaning,  and  the  joints  in  his  composition  are 
still  everywhere  discernible.  Thus  the  great 
discourse  to  the  people  (vi.  20  Jf\),  with  the 
exception  of  the  section  (27-36)  just  mentioned, 
is  simply  made  up  of  separate  sayings — vi.  20-23 
stands  by  itself,  so  also  the  sayings  vi.  39,  40, 
41/.,  43-45,  46,  47-49.  Likewise  the  seem- 
ingly continuous  discourses  (xi.  1-13,  xii.  1-12), 
when  closely  examined,  are  only  mosaics  of 
independent  sayings.  This  is  no  less  the  case 
with  the  passages  xii.  32,  33  /.,  35-38,  39  /!, 
49-52,  54-56,  57-59,  and  again  xiii.  1-5,  6-9. 
Often  these  sayings  are  held  together,  as  it 
were,  by  a  catchword— as,  for  instance,  in  xi. 
34-36  by  the  word  "light,"  in  xii.  35-48  by 
the  word  "  slave." 

It  is  evident  that  it  is  only  similarity  of 
content  that  has  brought  together  the  three 
dialogues  concerning  discipleship  in  ix.  57-62. 
The  sayings  relating  to  the  Baptist,  collected 
together  in  vii.  18y^,  were  evidently  spoken  at 
different  times.     Thus  verses  31-35  certainly 


The  Gospels  139 

belong  to  a  much  later  period  than  the  rest ; 
also  verses  24-28  may  well  have  stood  originally 
by  themselves.  Again,  in  the  discourse  to  the 
disciples  (x.  lff»)t  the  woes  against  the  cities 
(13-15)  plainly  break  into  the  context.  The 
utterances  of  x.  21  /!  and  23  f.  likewise  suggest 
a  different  occasion  than  that  which  is  given. 
Also  the  parable  of  xi.  24-26,  in  its  present 
position,  breaks  the  context,  while  the  woes  in 
xi.  42-44  do  not  at  least  sound  probable  in  the 
mouth  of  one  who  was  at  the  time  guest  at  a 
Pharisee's  table. 

While  on  the  one  hand  this  attempt  to  com- 
bine the  material,  so  as  to  give  smoothness  to 
the  narrative,  testifies  to  the  literary  taste  of  the 
compiler,  so  also  the  genera]  principles  accord- 
ing to  which,  as  shown  above,  the  material  is 
grouped  are  very  happily  chosen  by  him  and 
prove  his  sure  mastery  of  the  material. 

It  is,  moreover,  quite  evident  thai  in  the 
arrangement  of  these  groups  the  compiler 
stood  in  close  touch  with  the  points  of  view 
and    the    interests    which    directed    our     Lord 


140    Early   Christian   Literature 

Himself,  and  that  he  had  intimate  knowledge 
of  the  forces  which  influenced  His  career. 
And  since  all  the  sayings  in  their  grammatical 
form  have  a  strong  Semitic  tinge,  it  may  be 
conjectured  that  they  were  written  down  by 
the  compiler  in  the  Aramaic  tongue,  which 
our  Lord  Himself  spoke.  Moreover  the 
verbal  differences  found  in  the  respective 
reproductions  of  the  sayings  in  St  Luke  and 
St  Matthew  suggest  the  further  inference 
that  the  two  evangelists  had  used  different 
Greek  translations  of  this  compilation.  Now 
Papias,  who  flourished  about  the  middle  of 
the  second  century,  reports  as  an  established 
tradition  of  his  times  that  one  of  the  Twelve 
Apostles,  Matthew  the  tax  collector — no  doubt 
the  one  of  their  number  who  was  most  ready 
with  his  pen — had  collected  together  the  sayings 
of  the  Lord  in  the  Aramaic  tongue,  and  that 
in  later  days  each  had  translated  them  as  best 
he  could.  This  tradition  does  not  of  course 
tally  with  our  Gospel  of  St  Matthew,  although 
it  is  to   this  writing  that   Papias  mistakenly 


The  Gospels  141 

refers ;  we  may  therefore  be  sure  that  it  is  no 
mere  legend  composed  to  explain  the  origin 
of  our  first  gospel.  But  this  notice  of  Papias 
admirably  suits  that  compilation  of  sayings 
of  our  Lord  which  criticism  of  the  gospels 
demands — a  coincidence  which  forms  a  strong 
witness  for  the  accuracy  of  the  tradition.  If 
we  are  justified  in  referring  Papias'  notice  to 
this  collection  of  sayings,  then  it  was  one  that 
had  himself  heard  the  preaching  of  our  Lord 
who  was  the  first  to  undertake  to  collect  and 
write  down  the  utterances  of  his  Master — 
evidently  the  most  precious  and  most  important 
incidents  of  His  earthly  life  both  for  the  writer 
and  his  times — and  thus  to  hand  them  down 
uncorrupted  to  future  generations.  The  com- 
pilation itself  gives  no  sure  indication  of  the 
time  when  this  may  have  been  done.  At  all 
events  there  is  no  sign  that  .Jerusalem  had  yet 
been  destroyed.  The  fact  that  the  compilation 
was  written  in  Aramaic  suggests  an  early  date  ; 
hence  it  may  very  well  have  been  written  at 
the  same  time  as  the  epistles  of  St  Paul,  thus 


142    Early   Christian   Literature 

forming  the  single  though  indeed  uniquely 
precious  contribution  of  Palestine  to  primitive 
Christian  literature. 

If  this  compilation  was  composed  in  the 
tongue  of  Palestine,  and  if  it  was  taken  up 
into  the  great  Gospels  of  St  Luke  and  St 
Matthew,  we  can  easily  understand  that  it  was 
early  lost  in  its  original  form. 

This  compilation  is  generally  known  by  the 
name  "  Logia  "  (i.e.  "  sayings  "  or  "  oracles  "), 
the  word  which  Papias  uses  in  the  passage  we 
have  referred  to. 


2.  The  Reminiscences  of  St  Peter 

WRITTEN    BY    St    MARK. 

It  cannot  escape  the  notice  of  the  careful 
reader  of  our  Gospel  of  St  Mark — a  gospel 
which  is  made  up  of  a  series  of  separate  stories 
concerning  the  public  ministry  of  our  Lord 
only  very  occasionally  broken  by  records  of 
discourses — that  its  narratives  may,  in  regard 
to   form   and    content,    be    divided    into   two 


The  Gospels  143 

groups.  The  first  group,  which  now  alone  con- 
cerns us,  is  characterised  by  a  striking  brevity 
in  sketching  the  action,  by  the  absence  of  notes 
from  the  hand  of  the  narrator  and  of  any  kind 
of  religious  phraseology  or  oratorical  ornament. 
The  facts  alone  speak  ;  they  appeal  directly 
to  the  reader.  The  colouring  of  Palestine 
stands  out  clearly,  the  characteristic,  genuine, 
inimitable  forms  of  the  Judaism  of  those  days 
pass  upon  the  stage.  Jesus  Himself,  deeply 
stirred  by  feeling  and  emotion,  appears  before 
us  in  simple  and  complete  humanity.  Not  one 
of  these  narratives  by  its  parallelism  with  an 
Old  Testament  story  gives  cause  for  suspicion  ; 
not  one  of  them  entices  us  to  ferret  out  beneath 
what  is  narrated  some  hidden,  deeper  meaning. 
Their  purpose  is  only  to  relate  what  happened  ; 
and  in  spite  of  the  lively  colours  in  which  the 
characters  and  their  environment  arc  pictured 
before  us,  the  interest  of  the  narrator  really 
lies  only  in  the  words  spoken  by  our  Lord 
upon  each  occasion. 

Regarded   from  a  literary  standpoint,  these 


144    Early   Christian   Literature 

narratives  are  jewels  of  a  simple  art  which  has 
an  eye  only  for  the  essential  and  yet  presents 
it  in  living  form.     There  is  no  trace  of  the  ter- 
minology of  St  Paul  or  of  the  set  phraseology 
of    Christianity.       No    interest    is    shown    in 
questions  of  dogma,  such,  for  instance,  as  the 
correct  doctrine  concerning  the  Person  or  the 
mission   of  our  Lord.     Just  as  in  the  Logia 
of  St  Matthew,  miracles  are  of  quite  secondary 
importance.     We  find  narratives  of  the  cure 
of  a  possessed  man  (i.  23  ff.),   of  St  Peter's 
mother-in-law  who  was  sick  of  a  fever  (i.  30/!), 
of  a   paralytic    (ii.    1  /),  of  a   man   with    a 
withered  hand  (iii.  1  ff.) ;  mention  is  made  of 
cures  wrought  upon  other  afflicted  people  in 
Capernaum    (i.    32-34)    and    some     sick    in 
Nazareth  (vi.  5).     But   the   emphasis   of  the 
narrative  never  rests  upon  these  cures ;    they 
are  only  related   because  they  belong  to  the 
circumstances  occasioning  the  utterance  or  the 
characteristic  behaviour  of  Jesus,  which  form 
the  sole  objects  of  interest.     Somewhat  more 
frequently  than  in  the  Logia  of  St  Matthew 


The  Gospels  145 

stress  is  laid  upon  the  Messianic  character  of 
Jesus — for  instance  in  the  narrative  of  the 
Baptism  (i.  10  /!),  in  the  cry  of  the  possessed 
(i.  24),  in  the  simile  of  the  bridegroom  (ii.  19), 
in  the  question  concerning  the  Davidic  sonship 
of  the  Messiah  (xii.  35  37),  perhaps  in  the  claim 
to  forgive  sins  (ii.  10) ;  again,  on  the  part  of 
the  disciples,  in  their  confession  (viii.  29),  and 
in  the  petition  of  the  sons  of  Zebedee  (x.  37) ; 
finally,  on  the  part  of  our  Lord,  the  disciples, 
and  the  people,  in  the  story  of  the  entry  into 
Jerusalem  (xi.  1  ff\).  However,  the  expres- 
sion "  Son  of  God "  never  occurs,  except 
in  the  voice  at  the  Baptism  (i.  11)  and  in 
the  utterance  of  xiii.  32,  though  elsewhere 
in  the  gospel  it  forms  the  proper  formula 
for  profession  of  belief  (i.  1.  iii.  11,  v.  7,  ix.  7, 
xiv.  61,  xv.  39);  and  the  word  "Christ" 
only  occurs  in  the  confession  of  the  Twelve 
(viii.  29)  and  in  the  theological  dispute  of 
xii.  85,  though  it  likewise  is  often  employed 
elsewhere  by  the  evangelist  (i.    1,  ix.   41,   xiii. 

21,  xiv.  61,  xv.  32).     The  term  "Son  of  Man" 

10 


146    Early   Christian   Literature 

is  found  in  ii.  10,  28  ;  viii.  31,  38  ;  x.  33,  45  ;  as 
also  in  xiv.  21,  41,  62— if,  indeed,  these  parts 
of  the  story  of  the  Passion  belong  to  the  group 
of  which  we  are  speaking  ;  while  in  the  sections 
due  to  the  evangelist  it  occurs  only  in  ix.  9,  12 
and  ix.  31,  after  the  pattern  of  viii.  31  and 
x.  33.  Frequent  reference  is  made  to  the 
sure  imminence  of  the  violent  death  (ii.  19  ; 
viii.  31  ;  x.  32,  34,  38,  45).  But  it  is  not 
quite  certain  that  all  these  passages  belong  to 
the  more  ancient  stratum  of  the  Gospel  of 
St  Mark. 

The  narratives  possessing  the  character  de- 
scribed now  stand  side  by  side  in  groups  which 
are  evidently  held  together  by  certain  common 
leading  ideas.  As  in  the  Logia,  so  here  we 
find  that  no  interest  is  taken  in  the  historical 
development  of  the  public  life  of  our  Lord, 
though  the  varied  light  thrown  upon  the  chang- 
ing scenes  suffers  us  to  trace  different  epochs 
of  the  ministry.  We  only  meet  with  narratives 
of  fairly  long  context  at  the  beginning  of  the 
gospel  in  the  account  of  the  first  Sabbath  at 


The  Gospels  147 

Capernaum  (i.  21-39),  and  at  the  close  in 
the  dramatic  description  of  the  first  day  in 
Jerusalem  (xi.  1-xii.  12) — we  omit  the  storyjof 
the  Passion  because  it  is  difficult  to  conclude 
whether  and  how  far  it  belongs  to  the  set  of 
narratives  we  are  now  discussing.  Groups  of 
narratives  bound  together  by  some  leading  idea 
are  : — ii.  x — iii.  6,  five  narratives  which  explain 
why  the  Jews  came  into  conflict  with  Jesus ; 
iii.  21-35  together  with  vi.  1-6,  narratives 
which  show  the  hardness  of  heart  of  the 
Pharisees,  of  the  relatives  and  fellow-citizens 
of  our  Lord  ;  xii.  13-44,  controversies  with 
our  Lord  concerning  religious  and  political 
questions  in  which  traps  were  purposely  laid 
for  Mini.  While  these  groups  are  intended 
rather  to  answer  the  historical  question  why 
Jesus  met  with  ill  success,  we  find  others 
side  by  side  with  them  whose  concern  is 
purely  religious;  such  are: — iv.  1-9,  21  82, 
parables  concerning  the  laws  of  development 
of  the  kingdom  of  (iod  ;  x.  18  45,  showing 
the    conditions    of    entry    into     the    kingdom 


148    Early  Christian   Literature 

and  what  is  offered  therein  to  mankind  ; 
xiii.  1-6,  28-37,  a  description  of  the  near 
approach  of  the  End.  To  these  two  classes 
of  groups  we  may  perhaps  add  a  third, 
which  is  concerned  with  the  development 
of  the  body  of  disciples — if,  that  is,  we 
may  be  allowed  to  conjecture  that  passages, 
which  offer  many  points  of  analogy  to  one 
another  and  are  now  used  to  mark  sectional 
divisions  in  our  St  Mark,  originally  formed  a 
single  group  of  narratives  ;  these  are  : — The 
account  of  the  call  of  the  first  four  disciples 
(i.  16-20),  of  the  completion  of  the  number 
of  the  Twelve  (iii.  13-19),  of  the  sending  forth 
of  the  Twelve  (vi.  7-16),  of  the  confession 
of  the  Twelve  (viii.  27-ix.  1);  probably  also 
the  discourses  against  their  ambitious  claims 
(ix.  33-40).  As  all  these  groups  only  con- 
tain narratives  of  the  kind  we  have  above 
described,  we  may  assume  with  certainty  that 
the  arrangement  of  the  groups  is  due  to  the 
author  of  the  narratives. 

To   the   same   Papias  who,  as  we  saw,  has 


The  Gospels  149 

preserved  for  us  the  primitive  Christian  tradi- 
tion concerning  St  Matthew's  compilation, 
we  owe  also  another  notice,  upon  the  testimony 
of  "  the  Elder  " — an  authority  of  the  end  of 
the  first  century.  He  tells  us  that  Mark,  the 
companion  of  Peter,  wrote  down  the  narratives 
of  the  words  and  deeds  of  the  Lord  which 
Peter  gave  in  his  teaching,  as  he  remembered 
them  and  accurately  but  not  in  order.  Iremeus 
adds  that  St  Mark  did  this  after  St  Peter's 
death.  The  application  of  this  tradition  to 
our  St  Mark,  which  is  plainly  intended  by 
Papias  and  has  been  generally  accepted  in 
later  times,  is  impossible.  For  this  gospel 
is  in  "order,"  and  indeed — if  it  is  thought  that 
the  original  Greek  work  of  Papias  should  be 
translated  "  correct  order  "  -is  the  most  correct 
of  all  the  gospels  in  its  chronological  arrange- 
ment. I  Lowever,  apart  from  this  consideration, 
the  gospel  cannot  be  the  work  of  a  single  first 
band  seeing  that  the  style  is  so  varied.  Here 
again  it   happens   that    tins  ancient    tradition 

admirably    suits     the    passages    we    have    just 


150    Early   Christian  Literature 

analysed  from  St  Mark.  In  them  records  of 
words  and  deeds  are  combined ;  the  narrative 
is  not  in  order ;  the  life-like  description  and 
colouring  give  the  impression  that  they  proceed 
from  an  eye-witness  ;  their  extraordinary  terse- 
ness of  style,  which  permits  us  to  compare  them 
with  cut  diamonds,  is  most  easily  explained  by 
the  fact  that  they  were  constantly  narrated. 
The  abrupt  appearance  of  St  Peter  in  i.  16-29, 
iii.  16,  viii.  29,  x.  28,  and  the  abrupt  mention 
of  other  members  of  the  Twelve  in  ix.  38  ; 
x.  35,  41,  are  best  understood  upon  our 
hypothesis. 

If  our  interpretation  of  Papias'  words  be 
correct  we  owe  these  narratives  to  the  com- 
bined effort  of  St  Peter,  the  first  disciple  of 
our  Lord,  and  of  his  assistant  St  Mark.  Even 
though  we  cannot  surely  distinguish  the  sepa- 
rate part  to  be  ascribed  to  each,  we  may  yet 
recognise  the  genius  of  St  Peter  in  the  clear 
eye  which  saw  the  life  of  Palestine  in  its  true 
colouring  and  caught,  as  it  were,  the  very 
change    of    expression    in    the    face    of    his 


The  Gospels  151 

Master.  We  are,  moreover,  justified  in 
supposing  that  it  was  he  who  clothed  his 
reminiscences  in  this  terse,  classical  form  of 
narrative.  Perhaps  we  may  estimate  the 
compass  of  what  seemed  to  him  of  decisive 
import  in  the  Life  of  Jesus  from  his  choice 
of  reminiscences.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
to  St  Mark  that  we  probably  owe  the  apt 
grouping  and,  of  course,  the  faithful  repro- 
duction of  the  narratives. 

In  fixing  therefore  the  date  of  the  writing 
of  these  narratives  the  years  immediately 
succeeding  the  year  C>4  a.d. — the  year  of  St 
Peter's  death,  as  is  fairly  certain — would  come 
under  our  consideration.  There  is  no  ground 
for  supposing  a  later  date  seeing  that  the 
colouring  is  all  so  fresh  and  the  portraits  so 
full  of  life.  The  place  of  writing  would  no 
doubt  be  Rome,  where  St  Peter  suffered  as 
one  of  the  victims  of  the  persecution  of  Nero, 
whence  also  St  Mark  (1  Pet.  v.  18)  greets 
the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor.  This  conclu- 
sion   is     supported     by    the    numerous     Latin 


152    Early   Christian   Literature 

expressions  which  are  found  in  these  sections 
of  our  gospel. 

^  tt  tF  tt  * 

That  in  these  two  primitive  gospels,  St 
Matthew's  compilation  of  sayings  and  St 
Mark's  group  of  narratives,  historical  material 
of  the  very  first  importance  has  been  preserved, 
is  proved  by  the  circumstance  that  both  of 
them,  though  there  is  no  trace  of  their 
acquaintance  with  one  another,  most  closely 
coincide  in  their  outline  of  the  character  and 
life  of  our  Lord,  and  in  their  representation 
of  the  leading  ideas  and  style  of  discourse  of 
Him  to  whom  alone  they  would  bear  record 
with  complete  self-effacement.  Moreover, 
that  which  is  offered  us  in  both  writings  is  dis- 
tinguished by  its  wonderful  force  and  origin- 
ality from  the  ideas,  conceptions,  and  interests 
of  the  most  varied  character  to  which  the  rest 
of  primitive  Christian  literature  bears  witness. 
Never  has  mankind  listened  to  simpler,  more 
direct,  more  living,  and  more  convincing  narra- 
tives drawn  from  the  life  of  one  of  the  great 


The  Gospels  153 

ones  of  human  history.  Never  has  there  been 
bestowed  upon  men  a  work  of  purer  literary 
art — a  work  wherein  the  artist  is  more  com- 
pletely effaced  by  his  subject — than  in  these 
two  original  gospels. 

3.  The  Gospel  according  to  St  Mark. 

Though  St  Mark  in  his  record  of  the 
reminiscences  of  St  Peter  refrained  from  giving 
a  continuous  history  of  the  public  ministry  of 
our  Lord,  still  the  small  connected  pictures  he 
draws — such  as  the  first  Sabbath  in  Capernaum, 
the  first  day  in  Jerusalem — were  such  as  to 
awaken  a  desire  for  a  more  continuous  sketch 
of  our  Saviour's  life.  And  as  the  personal 
witnesses  of  that  life  gradually  died  out,  the 
desire  naturally  became  more  urgent.  The 
first  person,  so  far  as  we  know,  who  sought 
to  satisfy  this  pressing  need  was  the  author 
of   our  Gospel    of  St    Mark.       And    his    work 

shows   that   he  was   well   equipped    for  such 

an   undertaking. 


154    Early   Christian   Literature 

The  groups  of  St  Mark  afforded  him  a 
sure  foundation  and  an  admirable  nucleus 
for  further  development.  He  only  needed  to 
combine  with  them  other  narratives  current 
among  Christians.  Here  also  the  style  and 
grouping  of  St  Mark  formed  the  pattern  for 
his  own  description  and  arrangement ;  neverthe- 
less these  new  pictures  afford  unmistakable  signs 
of  the  touch  of  another  hand.  This  evangelist 
has  delight  in  the  material  which  he  collects 
and  in  his  work  of  narration.  He  loves  to 
work  up  his  pictures  (e.g.  v.  1-20,  21-43 ;  vi. 
14-29),  and  to  adorn  them  with  all  kinds  of 
touches  which  add  but  little  to  the  main  result 
(e.g.  v.  37-40).  His  dialogue  is  less  pointed;  it 
approaches  nearer  to  the  style  of  ordinary  con- 
versation (e.g.  v.  6-13,  30-32  ;  vi.  35-38  ;  viii. 
2-5,  14-21  ;  ix.  16-22).  He  is  concerned  with 
the  deeper  truth  which  he  sees  incorporated  in 
the  stories  or  shining  through  them.  These 
must  all  be  brought  into  connection  with  the 
faith  of  the  reader  in  order  to  gain  import 
for  him  ;    their  point  lies  no  longer  in  religious 


The  Gospels  155 

principle  and  moral  axiom,  but  throughout 
them  all  the  Person  of  Jesus  Himself,  and  this 
in  all  its  superhuman  glory,  ever  stands  as  the 
centre  of  interest.  They  are  narrated,  not  as 
in  the  reminiscences  of  St  Peter  in  order  to 
explain  the  words  of  our  Lord,  but  because  of 
His  deeds  compared  with  which  His  words  are 
only  of  subordinate  moment.  Deep  interest  is 
shown  in  the  miraculous  ;  in  most  of  the  stories 
the  miracle  itself  is  the  central  object.  This 
is  more  or  less  so  in  i.  40-45,  x.  46-52,  ix. 
1 4-29 ;  it  is  completely  so  in  case  of  the  two 
miracles  of  Healing  where  even  the  manipula- 
tion used  by  our  Lord  is  described  (vii.  32-37, 
viii.  22  26) ;  so  also  in  the  summaries  of  miracles 
iii.  9  12,  vi.  58-56  ;  likewise  in  the  three  great 
miracles,  iv.  li:>  v.  t.'J,  which  are  intended  to 
prove  the  power  of  Jesus  over  the  forces  of 
nature,  the  world  of  demons,  and  death  ;  in  the 
two  miracles  of  Feeding  (vi.  88  44,  viii.  1  10), 
which  show  how  He  could  provide  for  Mis 
people;  in  the  Walking  on  the  Sea  (vi  45  52), 
which  shows    llim    passing   unharmed   through 


156    Early   Christian   Literature 

the  storms  of  time  and  over  the  waves  of  death  ; 
in  the  transfiguration  (ix.  2-13),  in  which  the 
glory  of  the  Resurrection  casts  back  its  radiance 
upon  the  Christ  yet  living  on  earth.  We 
cannot  but  see  that  these  passages  are  governed 
by  a  strong  Christological  interest  which  sup- 
plants all  other  interests,  religious  or  moral. 
These  stories,  moreover,  even  in  their  wording 
often  remind  us  vividly  of  very  similar  narratives 
of  the  Old  Testament  (cf.  iv.  35-41  with  Jonah 

1  ;  v.  2  with  Isaiah  lxv.  4- J'. ;  v.  7  with  1  Kings 
xvii.    18 ;    v.    21-43    with    1    Kings    xvii.    22, 

2  Kings  iv.  ;  vi.  45-52  with  Exodus  xiv.  15-31, 
2  Kings  ii.  8,  14). 

The  evangelist  has  inserted  only  a  few 
passages  containing  records  of  our  Lord's 
teaching.  These  are,  however,  broad  in  style, 
and  not  free  from  so-called  casuistry,  i.e.  they 
go  much  into  the  details  of  conduct :  e.g.  vii. 
1-23,  x.  1-12  ;  with  these  is  connected  in  spirit 
the  allegorical  interpretation  of  the  four  kinds 
of  ground  in  the  parable  of  the  Sower  (iv.  10- 
20).      In  addition  to  these  we  have  a  passage, 


The  Gospels  157 

xiii.  7-27,  which  surely  had  its  original  home 
in  Jewish  apocalyptic  circles,  and  has  been 
inserted  in  the  midst  of  genuine  words  of  our 
Lord  (its  own  context,  indeed,  being  broken 
by  the  genuine  words  of  verses  9-13) ;  also  a 
legend  concerning  the  death  of  the  Baptist, 
which  certainly  had  its  origin  in  the  circle  of 
his  followers,  and  is  here  narrated  in  broad 
romantic  style  (vi.  17-29). 

Nevertheless  this  gospel  is,  from  the  literary 
standpoint,  an  admirable  performance.  Its 
style  betrays  careful  study  of  the  Petrine 
reminiscences  of  St  Mark.  The  stories  due 
to  the  author  are  full  of  movement,  of  life, 
and  of  poetry.  Above  all,  the  construction  of 
the  whole  work  is  extraordinarily  happy.  The 
author  divides  his  abundant  and  varied 
material  at  first  between  two  periods  of 
ministry  in  Galilee  (chaps,  i.-ix.)  and  in.Fudaa 
(chaps,  x.-xiv.).  In  the  first  part,  as  one 
can  scarcely  fail  to  notice,  the  development  of 
the  circle  of  disciples  forms  the  principle  of 
sectional    division.       The    first  section  (i.    L6 


158    Early  Christian  Literature 

iii.  6)  is  marked  by  the  call  of  St  Peter  and  the 
other  fishermen  to  follow  Jesus  (i.  16-20).  It 
contains  two  groups  of  narrative  which  stand 
in  direct  contrast  with  one  another  and  are 
both  taken  from  the  reminiscences  of  St  Peter. 
The  first  gives  a  bright  and  harmonious 
description  of  the  overwhelming  impression 
made  by  our  Lord  in  the  course  of  the  first 
Sabbath  at  Capernaum  (i.  21-39) ;  the  second, 
full  of  bitter  controversy,  pictures  the  oppo- 
sition of  those  who  were  ill-disposed  to  Jesus 
(ii.  1— iii.  6).  The  two  groups  are  bound 
together  by  the  short  isolated  story  of  the 
cure  of  a  leper  (i.  40-44),  of  which  the  chief 
purpose  is  to  show  our  Lord's  correct  conduct. 
The  second  section  is  marked  by  the  completion 
of  the  roll  of  the  Twelve,  and  contains  three 
groups  of  narratives  in  which  the  first  and 
third  again  stand  in  direct  contrast  with  one 
another.  The  first,  again  a  Petrine  passage, 
recounts  the  malicious  charges  brought  against 
our  Lord  by  the  Scribes  from  Jerusalem,  and 
the   thoughtless  anxiety  of  our    Lord's    own 


The   Gospels  159 

relatives  (iii.  20  35).  The  second  group,  an 
edited  Petrine  passage,  presents  our  Lord's 
parables  concerning  the  growth  of  the  kingdom 
of  God  in  order  to  explain  why  it  was  that  His 
mission  did  not  everywhere  meet  with  success 
(iv.  1-34).  The  third  group,  evidently  felt  by 
the  evangelist  to  be  the  glorious  culminating 
point  of  his  gospel,  and  therefore  distinguished 
by  the  richest  colouring,  is  his  own  composi- 
tion, and  contains  miracles  showing  our  Lord's 
power  over  nature,  the  demon-world,  and  death 
(iv.  35  -v.  43).  The  third  Galilean  section, 
marked  by  the  successful  mission  of  the  Twelve 
which  stands  in  contrast  to  our  Lord's  ill-success 
in  Nazareth  (vi  1  82),  describes  Jesus  at  the 
highest  point  of  Mis  influence  over  the  masses 
(\i.  1  viii.  26).  It  falls  into  two  parallel  cycles 
(vi.  88  vii.  37  and  viii.  I  26).  Both  of  these 
begin  with  a  miracle  of  Feeding  (vi.  33  44,  viii. 
1-10),  and  conclude  with  a  miracle  of  Healing 
which    is   to   be   kept    private    (vii.   32   37,    viii. 

22  20).     In  the  midst  of  both  stands  a  conflict 

with  Jewish   ideas   (vii    I    23,  viii.  II    12).      In 


160    Early   Christian   Literature 

both  cases  a  narrative  is  given  of  a  crossing 
of  the  sea,  the  first  time  combined  with  the 
walking  on  the  sea  (vi.  45-53),  the  second  time 
with  the  discourse  concerning  leaven  (viii.  14- 
21).  Into  the  first  cycle  is,  moreover,  inserted 
the  story  of  the  Syro-phenician  woman  (vii.  24- 
31),  probably  the  only  narrative  derived  from 
the  Petrine  reminiscences  that  occurs  in  this 
part  of  the  gospel.  The  fourth  section,  marked 
by  the  Messianic  confession  of  the  Twelve  (viii. 
27-30),  pictures  our  Lord's  private  ministry 
among  His  faithful  followers,  wherein  His 
prophecy  of  His  death  and  of  His  second 
coming  forms  the  chief  point  of  interest  (viii. 
27-ix.  50).  Here  also  it  seems  probable  that, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  ix.  33-37,  38-40, 
no  Petrine  passages  occur.  In  ix.  41-50  we 
find  a  collection  of  remnants  which  could  not 
be  used  in  the  rest  of  the  composition,  and  are 
set  here  side  by  side. 

The  second  main  division  is  devoted  to 
events  which  took  place  in  Judaea  and  Jerusa- 
lem.    Here  the  nature  of  the  subject  demanded 


The  Gospels  161 

chronological    arrangement       And    yet   even 

within   the   chronological   scheme    are    found 

groups — certainly  Petrine  in  origin — in  which 

similarity   of   subject   matter   forms   the   sole 

bond  of  union.     The  first  section  describes  the 

journey   to   Jerusalem    (x.   1-45) ;   into  it  are 

taken  up  the  Petrine  narratives  which  deal  with 

the  conditions  of  entry  into  the  kingdom  of 

God  (x.  13-31).     The  second  section  describes 

the  days  in  Jerusalem  (xi.  1-xii.  44),  with  a 

scene  in  Jericho  as  an  introduction  (x.  46-52), 

wherein   the  Messianic    address  and    the  cure 

of  a  blind  man  are  a  typical   forecast   of  the 

story  which  follows.     Accurately  speaking,  the 

narrative  of  continuous  events  comprises  only 

x.4f)   xii.  12.   The  Evangelist  with  exquisite  tact 

assigns  to  Jerusalem,  and   adds  here  a  Petrine 

group  of  controversies  concerning  religious  and 

political   questions   (xii.    18  44).      The    third 

section  is  formed  by  a  discourse  upon  the  Last 

Things  (xiii.),  the  only  long  composition  of  the 

kind  in  this  gospel,  and  this,  as  we  have  before 

conjectured.  Ii.is  ;i  Petrine  passage  (xiii.   I  (;. 

11 


1 62    Early  Christian   Literature 

28-36)  for  its  nucleus.  Finally,  there  follows  a 
fourth  section  containing  a  continuous  history 
of  the  Passion,  which  has  a  double  signifi- 
cance as  the  close  of  the  earthly  Life  and 
as  the  necessary  condition  of  the  apocalyptic 
events  foretold  in  the  third  section.  How 
far  the  Evangelist  is  here  indebted  to  the 
Petrine  reminiscences  we  have  no  means  of 
deciding. 

For  a  first  attempt  to  combine  in  a  complete 
whole  the  isolated  written  and  oral  reminis- 
cences of  the  public  ministry  of  our  Lord 
current  at  the  time,  this  gospel  is  a  most 
masterly  performance.  Though  the  author,  as 
was  only  natural,  can  no  longer  assign  to  each 
separate  tradition  its  right  place  in  the  chrono- 
logical order  of  events,  he  still  knows  the 
epochs  of  the  ministry  and  their  characteristics 
and  has  been  admirably  guided  in  his  arrange- 
ment of  his  material.  That  he  has  incor- 
porated so  few  of  the  discourses  of  our  Lord 
into  his  work  is  evidently  due  to  the  fact  that 
he   knew  of  the  existence   of  St    Matthew's 


The  Gospels  163 

compilation.  His  purpose  in  writing  is 
obvious  :  he  would  gather  together  the  broken 
fragments  that  still  remained  of  the  time-worn 
image  of  the  public  life  of  our  Lord  and  would 
combine  them  into  a  whole.  The  considera- 
tions which  principally  moved  him  in  this 
undertaking  disclose  themselves  clearly  in  his 
choice  and  arrangement  of  material.  They 
are  the  questions :  How  came  it  that  Messiah 
must  die  ?  What  guarantee  have  we  that 
Jesus  was  really  Messiah  ?  What  is  the 
history  of  the  origin  of  the  little  band  of 
believers,  and  what  may  they  expect  from 
their  Master? — These  are  no  subtile  ques- 
tions of  dogma,  they  were  vital  questions 
of  faith. 

The  name  of  the  author  of  this  most  ancient 
of  continuous  gospels  has  not  been  preserved 
for  us.  He  lias  been  cast  into  the  shade  by 
the  writer  of  those  Petrine  reminiscences  which 
form  I  In-  nuchus  of  his  work.  Ilcncc  it.  has 
been  called  ever  since  we  first  hear  of  it, 
"The  Gospel  according  to  Mark"      where  the 


164    Early  Christian   Literature 

word  "  according,"  as  in  the  title  "  History 
according  to  Herodotus,"  is  of  course  used  to 
denote  St  Mark  as  the  author.  The  place  of 
origin  is  doubtless  the  same  as  that  wherein 
the  real  Mark  had  written  his  Petrine  remi- 
niscences— namely,  Rome.  That  the  author 
had  in  his  eye  readers  unacquainted  with 
Jewish  affairs  is  shown  by  the  explanation  he 
gives  of  Aramaic  words  and  Jewish  customs 
(iii.  17-22;  v.  41;  vii.  3/.,  11-34;  ix.  43;  x. 
46;  xiv.  12-36;  xv.  6,  22,  34-42.)  We  meet 
also  with  Latin  words  throughout  the  gospel 
not  only  in  the  Petrine  passages  (ii.  4,  9,  11, 
23  ;  xii.  14,  42),  but  also  in  v.  9,  15  ;  vi.  27, 
37,  55  ;  vii.  4  ;  xiv.  5  ;  xv.  15,  39,  44,  45.  We 
cannot  fix  the  date  of  this  gospel,  but  there  is 
no  ground  for  placing  it  much  after  the  fall  of 
Jerusalem,  which  seems  to  be  presupposed  in 
xiii.  24,  where  the  more  indefinite  expression 
"  in  those  days "  has  replaced  the  certainly 
more  ancient  word  "  immediately "  which  is 
preserved  in  St  Matthew  xxiv.  29. 


The  Gospels  165 

4.  The  Gospel  according  to  St  Luke. 

It  was  inevitable  that  after  a  short  time  a 
further  literary  want  should  make  itself  felt  in 
Christian  circles — namely,  the  desire  to  possess 
St  Matthews  collection  of  sayings  combined 
together  in  one  book  with  the  description  of 
the  public  ministry  of  our  Lord  as  given  in 
the  Gospel  of  St  Mark.  In  two  localities  this 
want  was  supplied.  Our  Gospel  of  St  Luke 
forms  one  of  the  two  attempts.  The  preface 
(i.  1-4)  marks  its  author  as  by  profession  a 
literary  man  ;  for  the  custom  of  beginning  a 
book  by  instructing  the  reader  in  its  literary 
principles  and  aims  was  very  frequent  among 
authors  of  those  days.  lie  is  moreover  a 
writer  with  real  feeling  for  correctness  and 
unity  of  style :  he  also  shows  sure  mastery 
of  his  very  extensive  material.  Speaking 
generally,  he  works  up  the  Gospel  of  St 
Mark  and  St  Matthews  Logia  into  one  whole. 
V et  lie  lias  collected  and  incorporated  in  his 
gospel   q   great  abundance  of  further  material. 


1 66    Early   Christian  Literature 

Whether,  and  to  what  extent,  this  lay  before 

him  in  writing  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  decide  ; 

for  the  three  writings  concerning  the  Life  of 

our  Lord  already  mentioned  would  suffice  to 

justify  the  statement  (i.  1)  that  already  many 

had   taken   in   hand   to   draw   up  a  narrative 

concerning    those    matters   which    had    been 

fulfilled  among   Christians.     The  fact  that  it 

was  possible  to  work  those  two  chief  sources 

together  into  one  consistent  whole  is  a  fresh 

proof  of  the  trustworthiness  of  these  original 

documents  in  all  essential  points.     Our  author 

has  only  found  it  necessary  to  revise  the  style ; 

indeed    even    here    he    seems    to    have    been 

influenced  by  the  deepest  feelings  of  reverence 

for  the  original  wording.     In  his  reproduction 

of  narratives   from  the   Gospel  of  St   Mark, 

apart  from  the  introduction  (i.   1-5)  which  he 

could  no  longer  use  side  by  side  with  his  own 

introductory   narratives,    he  has  omitted  only 

a  few  isolated  phrases — either  because  they  had 

no  longer  any  interest  for  a  later  generation 

out   of  touch  with  Judaism,  as  for  instance 


The  Gospels  167 

the  name  of  the  high  priest  in  David's  time 
(St  Mark  ii.  25),  or  because  the  description 
seemed  to  him  somewhat  diffuse.  On  the 
other  hand  there  are  often  whole  passages  of 
St  Mark  which  lie  has  not  incorporated  in  his 
work,  but  in  each  case  the  reason  of  omission 
is  easily  discernible  and  quite  justifies  his 
action.  He  passes  over  the  Beelzebub  con- 
troversy (St  Mark  iii.  20-30)  because  he 
preferred  the  account  of  the  same  event  given 
in  St  Matthew's  Logia,  which  he  gives  at 
xi.  15-32  ;  he  omits  the  petition  of  the  sons 
of  Zebedee  (St  Mark  x.  35-45)  and  the 
anointing  in  Bethany  (St  Mark  xiv.  3-11), 
because  lie  considers  them  replaced  by  the 
controversy  concerning  who  is  the  greatest 
(xxii.  24-80)  and  the  anointing  by  the  woman 
who  was  a  sinner  (vii.  86  50)  ;  he  neglects  the 
two  controversies  concerning  the  Jewish  law 
of  divorce  (St  Mark  x.  1-12)  and  concerning 
the  greatest  commandment  in  the  Law  (St 
Mark  jrii.  28-34),  because  they  seemed  of  in- 
terest only  for  .lews,  and  because,  in  case  of  the 


1 68    Early   Christian   Literature 

latter  at  least,  he  had  a  substitute  in  the  intro- 
duction to  his  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan 
(x.  25-28).  He  has  likewise  omitted  St 
Mark  i.  12/,  16-20;  vi.  1-6,  because  his 
introductory  composition,  iv.  1-v.  11,  has  re- 
placed them.  It  strikes  us  as  more  strange 
that  he  passes  over  a  whole  group  of  narratives, 
St  Mark  vi.  45-viii.  26 ;  but  even  here  it  is 
not  hard  to  perceive  his  reason.  The  miracles 
of  Walking  upon  the  Sea  and  the  Feeding  of 
the  Four  Thousand  (vi.  45-52,  viii.  1-10)  seemed 
to  him  unnecessary  beside  the  Stilling  of  the 
Storm  and  the  Feeding  of  the  Five  Thousand ; 
the  controversy  concerning  purification  (vii. 
1-29)  again  had  interest  only  for  Jews ;  the 
matter  of  the  Syro-phenician  woman  (vii.  24-30) 
might  give  offence  to  Gentiles ;  the  demand 
for  a  sign  (viii.  11-13)  and  the  warning  against 
leaven  (viii.  14-21)  were  known  to  him  in 
another  context  (St  Luke  xi.  29,  xii.  1);  and 
finally,  the  two  miracles  of  healing  (vii.  31-38, 
viii.  22-26)  had  parallels  enough  elsewhere  in 
his  work.     In  conclusion,  he  has  passed  over 


The  Gospels  169 

the  collection  of  fragmentary  traditions  in  St 
Mark  ix.  41-50 ;  for  verse  50  he  possessed  a 
substitute  which  is  found  in  the  Logia  (St 
Luke  xiv.  34). 

On  the  other  hand,  he  has  occasionally 
inserted  words  or  phrases  into  the  narratives 
of  St  Mark,  evidently  as  embellishments  of 
the  fixed  tradition  ;  it  is,  however,  worthy  of 
note  that  episodes  such  as  those  of  xxii.  15, 
35-38,  44,  51  ;  xxiii.  6-12,  27-31,  39-43,  46, 
besides  the  episode  of  the  strife  as  to  who  is 
the  greatest  (xxii.  24-30)  already  mentioned, 
are  introduced  only  into  the  history  of  the 
Passion.  Finally,  Pilate's  declarations  con- 
cerning our  Lord's  innocence,  in  chap,  xxiii., 
are  essentially  augmented.  Similarly,  the 
I 'reaching  of  the  Baptist  is  enriched  by  the 
passage  iii.  10   14. 

If  our  restoration  of  St  Matthew's  Logia  is 
correct,  that  work  has  suffered  much  Less 
change  in  the  hands  of  OUT  author  again 
leaving  out  of  consideration  improvement 
of  style.      In   this  case  it   is   not   easy  to  give 


170    Early   Christian  Literature 

proof  in  detail  because  we  no  longer  possess 
the  original  document,  which  has  moreover 
been  more  severely  edited  in  our  Gospel  of 
St  Matthew  than  in  St  Luke.  It  is  possible 
that  St  Luke  sometimes  interpolates,  but  it  is 
just  as  possible  that  our  St  Matthew  has 
omitted  a  passage  in  question.  On  the  other 
hand  St  Luke  may  have  sometimes  passed 
over  certain  words,  but  it  is  also  possible  that 
our  St  Matthew  may  have  added  them.  The 
fact  that  St  Luke,  in  incorporating  this  docu- 
ment into  his  gospel,  has  only  divided  it  into 
two  sections,  predisposes  us  to  take  a  favourable 
view  of  his  reverent  treatment  of  this  vener- 
able record.  The  first  and  smaller  section  is 
found  at  vi.  17-vii.  35,  where  the  Beelzebub 
story  of  St  Mark  is  omitted.  The  larger 
section  (ix.  51-xvii.  37)  is  inserted  after  the 
whole  Galilean  ministry  of  our  Lord,  according 
to  St  Mark,  has  been  brought  to  a  conclusion 
by  St  Luke. 

The  material  which  the  Evangelist  has  him- 
self collected  has  for  the  most  part  been  inserted 


The  Gospels  171 

not  in  the  continuous  narrative  of  the  Gospel 
of  St  Mark,  but  within  the  two  interpola- 
tions from  the  Logia.  Here  he  shows  most 
admirable  literary  tact  in  his  choice  of  position. 
Thus  the  liaising  of  the  Widow's  Son  of  Nain 
(vii.  11-17)  is  made  to  serve  as  a  climax  to  the 
Cure  of  the  Centurion's  Servant  of  Capernaum, 
and  the  Woman  who  was  a  Sinner  (vii.  36-49) 
forms  a  parallel  figure  to  the  Gentile  Centurion 
and  the  Doubting  Baptist.  The  Evangelist 
now  continues  with  a  list  (viii.  1-3),  that  had 
come  down  to  him,  of  other  women  who 
followed  our  Lord,  among  whom  the  Magdalene 
appears — a  figure  nearly  related  to  the  woman 
who  was  ;i  sinner.  Before  the  beginning  of 
the  second  interpolation  he  inserts  the  narrative 
of  our  Lords  rejection   by  a   Samaritan  village 

(ix.  51   .><i) ;  the  parable  of  the  good  Samaritan 

and  the  story  of  Mary  (x.  25  42)  are 
placed  after  the  sending  forth  of  the  Disciples, 

evidently  because  they  afforded  patterns  of 
discipleship ;  the  two  narratives  are,  besides, 
related  to  one  another  in  that  the  chief  subject 


172    Early   Christian   Literature 

of  each  is  contrasted  in  the  one  case  with  the 
Priest  and  Levite,  in  the  other  with  Martha. 
No  reason  can  be  shown  for  the  insertion  of 
the  Healing  on  the  Sabbath-day  after  the 
parable  of  the  Fig  Tree  (xiii.  10-17).  But 
when  the  Evangelist  inserts  a  number  of  dis- 
courses at  meals  before  the  parable  of  the 
Great  Supper  (xiv.  1-14),  it  is  possible  that  he 
was  partly  influenced  by  the  popular  symposia 
of  Greek  literature — dialogues,  that  is,  which 
were  given  in  the  form  of  table-talk.  Before 
the  last  sections  of  the  Collection  of  Sayings 
he  then  inserts  a  collection  of  parables  (chaps, 
xv.  and  xvi.),  the  position  being  determined 
by  the  nature  of  their  subject  matter ;  also  the 
sections  xvii.  5  f.,  7-10,  11-19,  which,  like  the 
similar  collection  of  fragments  in  the  Gospel 
of  St  Mark,  seem  to  have  no  clear  connection 
with  one  another.  Before  he  again  takes  up 
the  thread  of  our  St  Mark  he  interpolates  yet 
two  other  parables,  both  concerned  with  the 
subject  of  prayer — the  Importunate  Widow 
and  the  Penitent  Publican  (xviii.   1-14).     Tn 


The  Gospels  173 

the  passages  which  follow  from  St  Mark  he 
only  interpolates  the  Zaccheus  story  because 
it  belongs  to  Jericho,  and  in  connection  with 
this  a  last  parable  concerning  entrusted  wealth 
(xix.  1-27).  Finally,  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
Gospel  of  St  Mark  he  completes  the  story 
of  the  empty  sepulchre  by  the  addition  of  his 
Resurrection-narratives  (xxiv.  13-53),  besides 
describing  the  appearance  of  a  second  angel 
at  the  grave. 

These  Resurrection-narratives  have  a  very 
definite  aim.  They  are  intended  to  establish 
the  truth  of  the  Lord's  Resurrection  by  a 
genuinely  antique  demonstration  of  its  truly 
corporal  nature  in  spite  of  all  the  spirituality 
shown  by  t  he  appearance  and  disappearance 
of  His  body  (xxiv.  15/.,  80/.,  86,  51);  they 
aim  also  at  explaining  the  problem  of  the 
Death  (26/,  44-46),  and  hear  witness  to  the 
Apostles  commission  to  preach  the  Gospel  to 
all  nations  (47  /).  The  beginning  of  the 
gospel  is  likewise  enriched  by  some  stories 
from  the  Childhood  of  our  Lord  (chaps,  i.    ii.). 


174    Early   Christian   Literature 

Then  follows,  in  correspondence  with  St  Mark, 
the  introduction  of  our  Lord  to  His  active 
mission  (chap.  iii.).  Here  St  Luke  shows  his 
wish  to  give  our  Lord's  life  its  right  place 
in  universal  history  by  the  chronological  notice 
of  iii.  If — a  passage  which  is  quite  unique  in 
the  gospels  and  is  due  to  the  Evangelist's  own 
research.  He  has  also  amplified  the  story  of 
the  Baptist  and  continued  it  up  to  his  im- 
prisonment (iii.  3-20).  To  the  proof  of  the 
Divine  Sonship,  given  at  our  Lord's  Baptism 
(iii.  21  f),  he  adds  the  proof  of  His  descent 
from  Adam — i.e.  of  His  incorporation  among 
the  successive  generations  of  mankind  (iii. 
23-28).  Then,  and  thereby  proving  himself 
an  artist  who  understands  his  art,  he  inserts 
four  great  program-compositions  as  a  prelude 
to  his  reproduction  of  the  narrative  of  his 
authorities.  These  are  intended  to  inform 
the  reader  as  to  the  lines  upon  which  the 
following  history  moves.  The  first  pictures 
our  Lord's  rejection  of  the  temptation  to  false 
views  of  the  Messiahship  (iv.   1-13) — it    is   a 


The  Gospels  175 

substitute  for  St  Mark  i.  12 f.  ;  the  second,  a 
substitute  for  St  Mark  vi.  1-6,  justifies  the 
view  of  Messiahship  taken  by  our  Lord  (iv. 
16-30) ;  the  third,  by  means  of  the  Sabbath  in 
Capernaum  from  the  Petrine  reminiscences, 
describes  the  kind  of  success  which  crowned 
our  Lord's  mission  and  the  means  He  em- 
ployed therein  (iv.  31-44) ;  while  the  fourth 
prophesies  the  success  of  the  disciples  in  their 
mission  to  the  world  (v.  1-11),  and  replaces 
St  Mark  i.  16-20.  We  have  here  conscious 
literary  composition  in  sharp  contrast  to  the 
naive  art  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Mark. 

This  survey  shows  that  the  passages  which 
have  been  first  added  by  the  Evangelist  are 
chiefly  parables.  He  is  also  answerable  for 
numerous  embellishments  of  the  narratives  of 
his  sources,  but  only  very  few  new  narratives 
are  due  to  him.  With  the  exception  of 
xvii.  o  /!,  short  sayings  are  entirely  wanting 
in  his  new  material.  As  regards  the  subject 
matter  of  his  additions,  it  is  remarkable  that  we 
find  among  them  no  fewer  than  three  passages 


176    Early   Christian  Literature 

concerned  with  Samaritans  (ix.  51-50,  x.  25-37, 
xvii.  11-19),  three  with  sinners  (vii.  36-50, 
xviii.  9-14,  xix.  1-10),  and  three  with  women 
(vii.  36-50,  viii.  1-3,  x.  38-42). 

This  brings  us  to  the  question  of  the 
peculiar  interests  of  this  gospel.  The  author 
has  a  large  heart.  He  loves  to  dwell  upon 
passages  which  show  the  large-heartedness  of 
Jesus,  His  converse  with  Samaritans,  sinners, 
women  of  every  sort,  and  His  success  with 
them.  Doctrinal  interests  are  nothing  to  him. 
He  has  made  no  considerable  addition  to  the 
collection  of  sayings  of  our  Lord  ;  on  the  other 
hand,  his  artistic  soul  rejoices  in  the  parables  of 
Jesus,  probably  also  embellishes  them.  At  all 
events  the  parables  we  owe  to  him  are  the  richest 
in  descriptive  colouring  that  are  preserved  in 
the  gospels.  Although  lie  finds  edification  in 
miracles  and  is  disposed  to  paint  the  miraculous 
as  realistically  as  possible  (for  instance,  he 
expressly  mentions  that  at  the  Baptism  of  our 
Lord  the  dove  appeared  in  bodily  form),  yet 
he  has  only  contributed  one  new  miracle,  the 


The  Gospels  177 

Raising  of  the  Young  Man  at  Nain — though 
this  is,  of  course,  especially  wonderful. 

Our  author  may  be  called  the  poet-painter 
among  the  evangelists.  We  owe  to  him 
narratives  of  brilliant  colouring  and  finish, 
such  as  The  woman  who  was  a  sinner ;  Mary 
and  Martha  ;  The  preaching  at  Nazareth  ;  The 
draught  of  fishes ;  The  disciples  of  Emmaus  ; 
Symeon  in  the  Temple  ;  and — the  most  glorious 
of  all— The  Birth  of  our  Lord.  The  legend 
of  the  childhood  of  the  Baptist,  with  its 
reminiscences  of  similar  stories  from  the  Old 
Testament  and  showing  everywhere  signs  of 
translation  from  a  Semitic  tongue,  together 
with  other  contributions  to  the  history  of  the  life 
and  teaching  of  the  Baptist,  was  most  probably 
derived  from  those  disciples  of  St  John  concern- 
ing whom  our  author  has  something  to  tell  us  in 
Acts  xviii.  24  xix.  7.  This  legend  has,  more- 
over, undoubtedly  influenced  the  form  of  the 
story  of  the  Birth  and  Childhood  of  our  Lord, 
with  which  it  is  closely  connected  in  the  gospel. 

Many  of  his  narratives  are  parallel  to  passages 

I'.' 


178    Early  Christian   Literature 

in  St  Mark  which  have  become  changed  in 
course  of  oral  transmission.  Such  are  the  two 
miracles  of  healing  on  the  Sabbath-day,  and 
probably  the  story  of  the  woman  who  was  a 
sinner.  The  legend  of  the  young  man  of  Nain 
is  the  masculine  doublet  of  the  "  Daughter  of 
Jairus  "  in  St  Mark,  and  is  strongly  influenced 
by  the  narrative  of  Elisha's  miracle  at  Shunem 
(2  Kings  iv.  17-37). 

This  gospel  is  of  all  the  richest  in  material, 
the  most  varied  in  colouring,  the  most 
correct  in  style ;  it  is  the  expression  of  a  heart 
open  to,  and  full  of  regard  for,  the  Gentile 
world  ;  it  is  free  from  all  disposition  to  theorise, 
it  is  full  of  poetry  and  feeling.  And  yet  it  is 
the  gospel  which  gives  us  the  least  clear  insight 
into  the  course  of  the  public  ministry  of  our 
Lord.  This  object,  indeed,  was  not  within  the 
purpose  of  the  author ;  he  is  dominated  by  his 
desire  to  allow  the  original  documents  to  speak 
as  much  as  possible  for  themselves,  inserting 
only  whatever  he  could  collect  from  other 
tradition.     This  faithful  dependence  upon  the 


The  Gospels  179 

original  documents,  which  leads  the  author 
to  make  no  effort  to  give  unity  and  historical 
development  to  his  work,  appears  to  be  due 
not  entirely  to  feelings  of  reverence.  Rather, 
the  preface  leads  us  to  recognise  that  the 
Evangelist  in  the  composition  of  his  gospel 
aimed  at  affording  to  non-Christians  of  high 
social  standing,  who  for  one  reason  or  another 
interested  themselves  in  the  Christian  move- 
ment, information  as  trustworthy  and  complete 
as  possible  concerning  the  real  character  and 
objects  of  this  movement.  For  the  epithet 
applied  to  Theophilus,  to  whom  the  work  is 
dedicated— an  epithet  which  may  be  rendered 
by  our  word  'excellent' — marks  him  not 
only  as  a  non-Christian  (a  Christian  would 
be  addressed  as  'brother"  or  'beloved'), 
hut  also  as  a  person  of  high  station.  Closer 
investigation  of  the  second  part  of  the  work 
of  our  author — namely,  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  .1  continuation  of  the  gospel-  -will 
give  further  information  upon  tins  point. 
Here   we  may  only  conclude   that    the  gospel 


i8o    Early  Christian   Literature 

was  written  for  non- Christians,  with  the  aim  of 
laying  the  facts  before  them  as  completely  and 
reliably  and  yet  in  as  pleasing  and  artistic  a 
shape  as  possible. 

Also  for  the  solution  of  the  last  question 
which  now  concerns  us,  wherein  the  gospel 
itself  affords  us  no  assistance,  the  question, 
namely,  of  the  place  and  time  of  writing,  we 
are  directed  to  the  Acts  for  an  answer  ;  its 
consideration  therefore  must  be  deferred  to 
a  later  occasion.  Then  also  we  shall  explain 
why  it  is  that  the  gospel  has  taken  the  name 
of  St  Luke.  The  gospel  itself  betrays,  by  its 
vivid  and  detailed  prophecies  of  the  siege  and 
destruction  of  Jerusalem  (xix.  42-44 ;  xxi.  20, 
24) — traits  which  are  peculiar  to  itself — that 
the  city  already  lay  in  ashes ;  and  it  shows 
by  a  similarly  vivid  description  of  the  persecu- 
tion of  Christians  (vi.  22)  that  many  actual 
experiences  are  here  related.  Finally,  the 
careful  style  of  this  gospel  favours  the 
hypothesis  that  it  was  composed  in  an  en- 
vironment of  Greek  culture. 


The  Gospels  181 

5.  The  Gospel  according  to  St  Matthew. 

A  second  combination  of  the  Gospel  of 
St  Mark  with  St  Matthew's  Logia  is  given 
in  the  gospel  which  takes  its  name  from  the 
latter  apostle.  The  method  of  combination 
is  different  from  that  of  St  Luke's  Gospel, 
yet  it  is  in  its  way  still  more  interesting. 
The  author  of  the  Gospel  according  to  St 
Matthew  has  himself  also  collected  and  added 
other  material  to  the  two  original  documents, 
though  indeed  to  a  much  less  extent  than  St 
Luke.  The  construction  of  the  first  thirteen 
chapters  is  a  peculiarity  of  his  gospel."  From 
this  point — speaking  accurately,  from  xiii.  53 
-he  closely  follows  the  thread  of  the  Gospel 
of  St  Murk.  In  the  second  part  of  his  work 
we  can  therefore  perceive  most  clearly  the 
principles  which  governed  his  treatment  of 
his  authority.  We  sec  that  he  was  but  little 
moved  by  the  desire  to  improve  its  phrase- 
ology. Many  of  its  narratives  were  however 
much   too    long   For  him,    and    he   has  accord- 


1 82    Early   Christian   Literature 

ingly  strictly  curtailed  them.  Only  occa- 
sionally has  he  inserted  material  of  his  own 
into  this  second  part  of  his  work.  These 
interpolations  consist  for  the  most  part  of 
parables — xviii.  23-35,  xx.  1-16,  and  the  three 
parables  of  chap.  xxv.  But  they  also  include 
a  single  complete  narrative,  a  legend  of  St 
Peter  (xvii.  24-27),  together  with  two  other 
legends  concerning  St  Peter — namely,  his 
walking  on  the  sea  (xiv.  28-31),  and  the  word 
to  him  concerning  the  rock  and  the  keys  of 
the  kingdom  of  Heaven  (xvi.  17-19),  both 
of  which  have  been  incorporated  in  narratives 
already  given  in  St  Mark.  The  directions  for 
the  government  of  the  Church  in  xviii.  15-20, 
and  some  of  the  woes  against  the  Pharisees 
which  have  been  placed  together  in  chap,  xxiii., 
are  also  due  to  our  Evangelist.  It  is  remark- 
able how  much  of  what  he  adds  to  the  history 
of  the  Passion  is  manifestly  legendary  in 
character — such  as  The  dream  of  Pilate's  wife 
as  a  sign  of  the  innocence  of  our  Lord ; 
The  washing  of  Pilate's  hands  as  a  sign  of  the 


The  Gospels  183 

innocence  of  the  governor  ;  The  appearance  in 
the  streets  of  Jerusalem  of  those  that  had 
risen  from  their  graves  after  the  death  of 
Jesus  ;  The  Sealing  of  the  stone  and  the  Setting 
a  watch  over  the  grave,  and  the  terrible  end  of 
the  Traitor.  Nor  is  there  much  that  is  valuable 
or  beautiful  in  these  legendary  accretions.  It  is 
indeed  obvious  that  in  the  place  where  this 
gospel  was  written  nothing  was  really  known 
concerning  the  life  of  our  Lord  beyond  what 
was  given  in  the  two  original  authorities. 

But  the  first  thirteen  chapters  really  give 
this  gospel  its  peculiar  character  and  sig- 
nificance. In  these  we  are  introduced  to  an 
author  who  has  a  sure  mastery  of  his  material, 
and  yet  deals  with  it  pretty  freely  in  order  to 
serve  his  own  ends.  These  ends  arc  unmistak- 
ably doctrinal  in  character;  indeed,  these  thir- 
teen chapters  might  be  called  a  catechism  of 
the  Life  of  our  Lord.  They  begin  (chaps,  i.  ii.) 
with  a  story  of  the  infancy  which  greatly  varies 
from  that  of  St  Luke,  and  is  attached  to 
a   genealogy   from    Abraham    to   Jesus   again 


184    Early   Christian   Literature 

different  from  that  of  St  Luke  ;  then  follows  a 
description  of  our  Lord's  introduction  to  His 
public  ministry  (chaps,  iii.-iv.),  which  falls  into 
three  main  divisions — The  appearance  of  the 
Baptist,  The  Baptism,  and  The  Temptation  of 
Jesus  (iii.  1-iv.  11) — and  closes  with  a  passage, 
forming  the  transition  to  what  follows  and 
containing  a  short  notice  of  the  scene  (iv. 
12-17),  the  chief  witnesses  (iv.  18-22),  and 
the  extent  and  character  (iv.  23-25)  of  our 
Lord's  activity.  Now  come  five  great  com- 
positions dealing  with : — Our  Lord's  teaching 
(chaps,  v.-vii.),  His  acts  (viii.  1-ix.  34),  His 
disciples  (ix.  35-x.  42),  His  opponents  (chap, 
xi.  /!),  The  kingdom  of  Heaven  (chap.  xiii.). 
Each  of  these  compositions  shows  an  arrange- 
ment that  has  been  well  thought  out. 

The  first  composition  (chaps,  v.-vii.),  called 
from  the  scenery  of  its  setting  The  Sermon 
on  the  Mount,  is  disposed  according  to  the 
laws  which  Rhetoric  prescribes  for  such  a 
discourse.  It  has  an  exordium,  intended  to 
gain  the  interest  of  the  hearers,  consisting  of  a 


The   Gospels  185 

promise  (v.  8-22)  and  an  admonition  (13-16). 
It  has  a  corresponding  conclusion  which  con- 
sists of  a  series  of  admonitions :  an  exhorta- 
tion to  choose  the  right  way  (vii.  13/!),  a 
warning  against  false  prophets  (vii.  15-20), 
against  false  security  (vii.  21-23),  and  a 
parable  which  vividly  emphasises  the  impor- 
tance of  showing  forth  Christ's  teaching  in  a 
Christian  life  (vii.  24-27).  The  main  body  of 
the  discourse  is  a  kind  of  fundamental  code  for 
Christians  dealing  first  with  life  in  society  (v. 
17-48),  then  with  the  life  of  piety  (vi.  1-18), 
then  with  the  right  attitude  towards  earthly 
things  (vi.  19-34).  Then  follows  a  number  of 
separate  rules  of  conduct  culminating  in  the 
precept:  "All  things  whatsoever  ye  would 
that  men  should  do  unto  you  even  so  do  ye 
also  unto  them  ;  for  this  is  the  Law  and  the 
Prophets."  This  composition  has  been  and  is 
the  Magna  C'harta  of  Christianity. 

The  second  composition  (chaps.  \  iii.-ix.)  illus- 
trates our    Lords  active  ministry  by  means  of 

tour  groups  of  three  stories.     The  introductory 


1 86    Early   Christian   Literature 

and  concluding  groups  (viii.  1-17  and  ix.  18-34) 
both  of  them  contain  three  accounts  of  miracles  ; 
the  two  middle  groups  consist  respectively  of 
three  narratives  dealing  with  our  Lord's  victory 
over  obstacles  of  social  life,  over  the  forces 
of  nature  and  of  the  spirit  world  (viii.  18- 
34) ;  and  of  three  records  of  occasions  upon 
which  He  gave  offence  by  breaking  the  laws 
of  religious  and  social  custom  (ix.  1-17). 
Among  these  twelve  stories  only  one  narrative 
is  found  which  is  peculiar  to  St  Matthew, 
namely,  the  Cure  of  the  blind  men  (ix.  27-31), 
and  this  upon  close  investigation  seems  only  a 
variant  of  the  narrative  of  the  Blind  man  of 
Bethsaida  in  the  Gospel  of  St  Mark  (St  Mark 
viii.  22-26).  The  choice  and  arrangement  of 
material  shows  that  the  miracles  of  our  Lord 
are  now  felt  to  be  of  surpassing  interest. 

The  third  composition  (chap,  x.),  like  the 
first,  reproduces  a  continuous  discourse  to- 
gether with  an  introduction  which  describes 
the  situation  (ix.  35-x.  4).  It  begins  with 
rules  for  the  conduct  of  the  disciples  (x.  5-15) ; 


The  Gospels  187 

then  follows  a  prophecy  of  their  fate  (16-25) 
and  a  promise  of  protection  and  reward 
(26-33).  Then,  as  in  the  first  composition, 
there  follows  an  appendix  containing  a  number 
of  separate  principles  and  rules  (34-42).  It 
is  a  Breviary  for  Christian  missionaries. 

The  fourth  composition  (chaps,  xi.-xii.) 
describes  the  attitude  towards  our  Lord  of 
different  circles  of  the  people — of  the  Baptist 
and  his  disciples  (xi.  2-19),  of  the  Galilean 
cities  (20-24),  of  the  leaders  of  the  nation 
(25-30).  Then  the  causes  of  our  Lord's  ill 
success  are  made  clear  in  two  narratives  of 
Sabbath  controversies  (xii.  1-14).  Finally, 
after  the  quotation  of  a  prophecy  from  the 
Old  Testament  which  is  intended  to  confirm 
the  faith  of  the  readers,  the  composition  cul- 
minates in  an  account  of  monstrous  charges 
against  Jesus  and  unbelieving  demands 
made  of  Him,  together  with  I  lis  refutation 
and  rejection  of  the  same  (xii.  22-50). 

The  last  composition  (chap,  xiii.)  consists  of 
seven  parables,   of  which   the   lirsi    two,   the 


1 88    Early   Christian   Literature 

Good  and  Bad  Ground  and  the  Tares  among 
the  Wheat,  describe  the  causes  of  failure ;  the 
two  next,  the  Mustard  seed  and  the  Leaven, 
describe  the  insignificance  of  the  beginnings  of 
Christianity,  and  teach  that  this  should  not 
form  an  obstacle  to  faith ;  the  two  following, 
the  Hidden  Treasure  and  the  Pearl  without 
Price,  emphasise  the  incomparable  worth  of 
the  kingdom ;  while  the  last,  the  Draw-net, 
describes  the  final  separation  of  good  and  evil. 
The  author  of  these  compositions  is  without 
doubt  a  born  teacher.  His  arrangement,  by 
which  the  reader  gains  an  insight  into  the  Life 
of  our  Lord  from  every  standpoint,  is 
masterly  in  the  extreme.  But  he  is  also  a 
most  skilful  artist.  Out  of  the  scattered 
material  of  his  two  sources,  with  the  addition 
of  what  he  has  himself  collected,  he  has  created 
a  whole  which  is  consistent  and  complete  in 
itself.  The  greater  part  of  the  material  which 
he  has  himself  contributed  is  incorporated  in 
the  first  composition  ;  thus  the  greater  part  of 
v.  17-48  is  his,  though  it  is  most  aptly  fitted 


The  Gospels  189 

into  the  first  discourse  of  St  Matthew's  Logia 
as  found  practically  in  its  original  form 
in  St  Luke  vi.  20-36  ;  again,  the  section  vi. 
1-18  is  his,  except  for  the  insertion  of  the 
Lord's  Prayer  from  the  Logia  (St  Luke  xi. 
2-4),  which  here  disturbs  the  context ;  and 
finally,  the  short  sayings  of  vi.  34 ;  vii.  6,  15. 
The  rest  is  derived  from  the  Logia,  though  there 
it  is  often  found  in  different  context  and  with 
different  significance.  In  the  second  composi- 
tion (chaps,  viii.-ix.)  he  uses  in  free  rotation 
passages  from  both  his  sources.  The  first 
Isolated  narrative  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Mark 
(i.  40-44)  precedes  the  first  of  the  Logia 
(St  Luke  vii.  2  10).  The  author  then  turns 
back  to  I  lie  account  of  the  Sabbath  in  Caper- 
naum and  takes  from  it  the  Cure  of  St  Peter's 
wiles  mother  with  oilier  cures  (St  Mark  i. 
29  B4).  Then  comes  a  narrative  from  the 
Login  (Si  Luke  i\.  57  -60),  then  two  connected 
narratives    from    St     Mark    (St    Mark    iv.   86- 

v.  17)  which  are  lure  separated  from  a  third 
(St   Mark  v.  22   18),  which  is  connected  with 


190    Early  Christian  Literature 

them  in  St  Mark  by  three  other  connected 
Markan  narratives  (St  Mark  ii.  1-22).  Then 
after  the  Cure  of  two  blind  men,  which  is 
peculiar  to  the  Evangelist,  the  series  closes 
with  a  narrative  from  the  Logia  (St  Luke  xi. 
14/1).  We  here  catch  at  once  the  Evangelist's 
method  of  procedure.  In  chap.  x.  the  sayings, 
x.  16,  23,  25  b.,  alone  cannot  be  found  in 
St  Mark  or  the  Logia.  In  the  first  part 
(x.  1-15)  we  have  a  compilation  of  the  two 
descriptions  of  the  sending  forth  of  the 
disciples  in  St  Mark  vi.  7-13  and  in  the  Logia 
(St  Luke  x.  1-12).  Then  follows,  framed 
between  the  two  sayings  peculiar  to  this  gospel, 
a  section  found  in  St  Mark  xiii.  9-13,  then  a 
saying  belonging  to  the  Logia  (St  Luke  vi.  40) 
which  was  passed  over  in  St  Matthew  v. 
because  it  referred  to  the  disciples,  and  then 
again  a  saying  peculiar  to  the  gospel 
(St  Matt.  x.  25  b.) ;  the  discourse  continues 
with  passages  from  the  Logia — St  Luke  xii. 
2-9,  51-53;  xiv.  26/.;  xvii.  33.  It  seems 
as   if    the    Evangelist   had    first    marked    all 


The  Gospels  191 

the  sayings  in  the  Logia  referring  to  disciples 
and  had  then  collected  them  together  at  this 
place.  He  now  returns  to  the  conclusion  (St 
Luke  x.  16)  of  the  section  of  the  Logia  which 
forms  the  nucleus  of  this  passage,  attaching  to 
it  a  variant  of  the  same  saying  which  is  peculiar 
to  himself  (verse  41),  and  concluding  with 
another  saying  (verse  42)  referring  to  disciples 
from  the  collection  of  fragments  incorporated 
into  the  Gospel  of  St  Mark  (St  Mark  ix.  41). 
The  rest  of  the  passage  of  the  Logia  which  the 
Kvangelist  has  here  taken  as  the  nucleus  of 
his  composition,  namely  St  Luke  x.  13-15, 
together  with  the  following  passage  (St  Luke 
x.  21  J'.),  he  reserves  for  his  next  composition 
(chaps.  \i.  xii.).  There  lie  attaches  these  verses 
to  the  section  concerning  the  Baptist  likewise 
derived  from  the  Logia  (St  Luke  vii.  18-135) — 
and  adds  to  them  a  saying  again  peculiar  to  this 
gospel  'St  Matt.  xi.  28  80).  In  chap.  xii.  lie 
amplifies  the  two  Sabbath  stories  of  St  Mark 
ii.  28  iii.  <s  by  :i  saying  which  accords  with  Si 
I -like  \i\.  .*>.  and  then  uses  St    Mark  iii.  7  as  an 


192    Early  Christian   Literature 

introduction  to  St  Matt.  xii.  15-21 — a  passage 
of  his  own  composition.  He  now,  in  repro- 
ducing the  Beelzebub  controversy,  repeats  in  a 
particularly  instructive  way  the  method  we 
have  already  noticed  him  adopt  in  dealing  with 
material  presented  in  both  his  authorities.  He 
dovetails  the  two  accounts  of  St  Mark  iii.  22- 
29  and  St  Luke  xi.  15-23  into  one  another, 
combining  with  them  the  sayings  of  St  Luke 
xii.  10  and  St  Luke  vi.  43-45 — both  from  the 
Logia— and  adding  verses  36  /!  — again  his 
own  property.  In  verses  38-42  he  follows  the 
Logia  (St  Luke  xi.  29-32),  and  concludes  with 
verses  43-45  from  St  Luke  xi.  24-26  and 
verses  46-50  from  St  Mark  iii.  31-35. 

Exactly  the  same  method  of  work  is  shown 
in  chap.  xiii.  To  a  Markan  passage  (St 
Mark  iv.  1-20),  into  which  he  now  inserts 
St  Luke  x.  23  f.  from  the  Logia,  he  adds  a 
parable  of  his  own  discovering  (xiii.  24-30);  to 
this,  after  the  fashion  of  his  Markan  exemplar, 
he  affixes  an  interpretation  (xiii.  36-43).  Into 
the  pair  of  parables  derived  from  the   Logia 


The  Gospels  193 

(St  Luke  xiii.  18-21)  he  works  a  variant  of 
the  first,  occurring  in  St  Mark  iv.  30-32,  and 
adds  St  Mark  iv.  33  f.  The  three  concluding 
parables  (xiii.  44-52)  we  again  owe  to  the 
Evangelist's  own  zeal  as  a  collector. 

The  fact  that  the  same  method  can  be  clearly 
traced  in  all  these  compositions  conclusively 
proves  that  we  have  here  given  a  correct 
explanation  of  the  procedure  of  the  Evangelist 
in  compiling  his  gospel. 

When  we  survey  the  Evangelist's  own  con- 
tributions we  find,  as  with  St  Luke,  that  they 
consist  principally  of  parables ;  though  in 
contrast  to  St  Luke  they  also  include  a  fair 
Dumber  of  sayings,  indeed  some  longer  dis- 
courses (v.  17.//",  \i.  iff.,  xxiii.  1  .//.).  The 
latter  probably  came  down  to  him  in  writing, 
and  perhaps  from  Palestine  itself.  The  first 
point  is  certain  at  least  in  the  case  of  vi.  1  //.*, 
because  the  Evangelist  disturbs  the  original 
construction  of  I  lie  passage  by  the  interpola- 
tion of  the  Lord's  Prayer.  The  latter  point 
is     probable     because     of    the    nature     of    the 

i:; 


194    Early  Christian   Literature 

subject  matter,  more  especially  of  vi.  1  ff.  and 
xxiii.  1  ff.  The  scenery,  the  characters,  the 
interests,  and  the  tendency  of  these  passages 
are  entirely  Palestinian. 

The  Evangelist  of  this  doctrinal  gospel  is  in 
many  respects  inferior  to  the  authors  of  the 
other  two  gospels  that  have  come  down  to  us. 
All  feeling  for  poetry  seems  to  have  been 
wanting  in  him.  In  describing  the  history  of 
the  infancy  of  Jesus  it  would  hardly  be  possible 
to  choose  a  more  prosaic  style  than  that  of  our 
Evangelist  in  his  first  two  chapters.  Vivid 
imagery,  such  as  that  we  owe  to  the  authors 
of  St  Luke  and  St  Mark,  is  not  to  be  found 
in  this  compendium  of  rules  for  the  Chris- 
tian Life.  His  narratives  also  are  deficient 
in  movement  and  colour.  He  cuts  away  as 
superfluous  all  which  seems  to  him  purely 
ornamental  in  a  story.  The  characters,  too, 
are  no  longer  clearly  realised.  Sadducees,  for 
instance,  appear  where  in  reality  they  are  quite 
out  of  place  (xvi.  1,6, 11/!).  Again,  he  has  no 
interest  in  the  historical  connection  of  events. 


The  Gospels  195 

He  tears  all  asunder  in  order  that  he  may 
place  similar  sayings  and  stories  each  in  its 
appropriate  pigeon-hole.  His  gospel  is  wanting 
in  all  sense  of  historical  development.  Jesus 
appears  from  the  very  first  as  Messiah.  He  is 
publicly  proclaimed  as  Messiah  by  the  voice 
at  the  Baptism,  wherein  the  pronoun  of  the 
second  person  is  replaced  by  one  of  the  third ; 
the  problem  of  the  Messiahship  therefore 
accompanies  Him  from  the  very  first  step  of 
His  ministry.  The  occasions  of  the  utterances 
of  our  Lord  are  to  St  Matthew  matters  of 
indifference.  If  sayings  agree  in  their  main 
tenor  he  places  them  together — as,  for  instance, 
xi.  20-24,  25-30.  He  takes  no  thought 
whether  a  saying  is  declared  by  its  theme  to 
have  been  intended  only  for  the  private  circle 
of  the  disciples  or  for  wider  publicity;  he 
simply  places  it  where  it  is  in  a  good  context 
according  to  the  sense.  We  find  in  him  no 
feeling  lor  the  point  where  legendary  accretion 
becomes  worthless  from  a  religious  point  of 
view.       He     loves    to    arrange     his     material 


196    Early   Christian   Literature 

according  to  numerical  system ;  thus  his 
Lord's  Prayer  has  seven  petitions,  his  first 
composition  has  seven  Beatitudes  as  an  intro- 
duction, his  last  composition  consists  of  seven 
parables.  In  other  ways  also  the  life  which  he 
paints  has  no  longer  its  proper  movement ;  the 
figures  of  the  disciples  are  on  their  way  to 
become  conventionalised  pictures  of  saints, 
while  the  other  characters  tend  to  be  drawn  in 
bare  outline. 

Though  it  is  true  that  doctrinal  considera- 
tions form  the  exclusive  interest  of  the 
Evangelist,  this  does  not  imply  that  he  has  any 
interest  in  questions  of  dogma.  He  is  un- 
touched by  the  problems  and  controversies  that 
centred  in  the  person  of  St  Paul.  That  the 
Gospel  is  intended  for  all  nations  is  for  him  a 
matter  of  course  ;  it  is  emphasised  both  at  the 
commencement  and  the  conclusion  of  his 
gospel  in  the  Wise  men  of  the  East  (chap,  ii.) 
and  in  the  Missionary  commission  (xxviii. 
19/i).  The  claim  of  the  Jewish  Law  is  not 
even  discussed.     Both  Law  and  Prophets  are 


The  Gospels  197 

authoritative — but  only  in  their  Christian  inter- 
pretation— in  the  first  place  as  documents 
prophetic  of  the  Life  of  Jesus  whose  Messiahship 
is  demonstrated  by  the  fulfilment  of  prophecy, 
and  then  as  witnesses  to  the  simple  moral 
principles  of  Christianity  (vii.  12,  xxii.  39/!). 
These  moral  principles  alone  interest  the  author. 
Our  Lord  himself  becomes  for  him  an  exalted 
teacher  of  morality,  and  from  this  point  of  view 
his  gospel  is  simply  perfect.  And  yet  in  his 
Sermon  on  the  Mount  the  Gospel,  the  joyful 
tidings  which  find  expression  only  in  the 
introduction,  is  replaced  by  a  new  Law  though 
it  be  ever  so  spiritual.  This  impression  is 
fully  confirmed  by  the  conclusion  of  the  gospel, 
again  an  instance  of  the  literary  art  of  the 
author,  who  here  gives  a  brilliant  summary  of 
his  whole  conception  of  Christianity.  If  the 
last  testament  of  the  glorified  Lord  here  runs: 
••  .Make  disciples  of  all  nations,  baptising  them 
in  the  name  of  the  Father  and  of  the  Son  and 
of  the  Holy  ( rhost,  teaching  them  to  observe 
all  things  whatsoever  I  have  commanded  you " 


198    Early  Christian   Literature 

(xxviii.  19/*.),  this  of  itself  shows  that  accord- 
ing to  the  conception  of  the  Evangelist  our 
Lord's  mission  was  to  give  commandments. 
But  in  other  points  also  our  gospel  moves 
along  the  path  which  ended  in  Catholicism. 
The  beginnings  of  the  fixed  formularies  of 
Catholicism  may  be  traced  in  the  formula 
for  Baptism  just  mentioned,  though  it  be  only 
a  consistent  development  of  the  thought  of 
St  Paul.  Our  gospel  also  has  already  attained 
to  the  conception  of  an  organised  Christian 
Church  ;  it  establishes  for  the  Church  a  kind  of 
statute  law,  and  gives  to  the  Apostles  a  kind  of 
absolute  priestly  authority  (xvi.  18  j\,  xviii. 
15-20).  In  this  connection  a  peculiar  light  is 
cast  upon  the  three  legends  of  St  Peter  testify- 
ing as  they  do  to  the  growth  of  reverence  for  the 
person  of  the  Apostle  ;  he  is  even  represented 
almost  side  by  side  with  our  Lord  (cf.  xvii.  27 
"  for  me  and  thee  ").  Thus  this  gospel  marks 
the  close  of  the  primitive  Christian  develop- 
ment of  gospel  literature.  Even  if  it  shows 
acquaintance  with  Pauline  epistles,  it  no  longer 


The  Gospels  199 

knows  St  Paul.  His  spirit  is  alien  to  it  though 
his  language  may  be  employed  here  and  there. 
It  points  onward  to  the  development  towards 
Catholicism  ;  hence  it  became  the  chief  gospel, 
the  work  which  took  the  lead  in  guiding  this 
development,  and  in  so  far  no  book  ever  written 
is  of  greater  historical  importance.  AVe 
Protestant  Christians  of  to-day  ought  however 
to  recognise  that  we  can  gain  from  St  Mark 
and  St  Luke  a  surer  knowledge  of  the  essential 
nature  of  the  gospel  message  than  from  this 
Roman  gospel  of  the  third  generation. 

For  Rome  may  be  surely  claimed  as  the 
home  of  this  work.  It  stands  in  the  closest  re- 
lationship with  the  most  ancient  documents  of 
Roman  Christianity  with  the  First  Epistle  of 
St  Peter,  with  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and 
with  the  Pastoral  Epistles(if  weoinitthe  Pauline 
element  in  these),  and  then  more  especially  with 
the  epistle  of  the  Roman  (lenient  and  the 
Shepherd  of  Hennas,  also  with  the  Epistle  of 
St  .James,  though  the  Roman  origin  of  the 
latter  epistle  is  not  certain.     Its  close  depend- 


200    Early   Christian   Literature 

ence  upon  the  certainly  Roman  Gospel  of  St 
Mark  also  speaks  in  favour  of  its  Roman  origin. 
Its  date  cannot  be  even  approximately  given  ; 
it  may  have  been  written  before  the  end,  it 
may  also  have  been  written  within  two  decades 
after  the  end  of  the  first  century.  We  are, 
however,  by  no  means  compelled  to  adopt  the 
later  date.  The  want  of  acquaintance  with 
the  Gospel  of  St  Luke  shown  in  St  Matthew, 
favours  the  assumption  that  the  two  gospels 
were  fairly  contemporary  in  origin. 

In  St  Matthew,  Rome  lays  her  hand  upon 
the  gospel  which  had  been  handed  down  to 
her  from  St  Peter.  In  this  gospel  the  Roman 
spirit  triumphs  over  the  Pauline,  the  legal 
over  the  religious,  the  tendency  to  look  back- 
ward over  that  to  look  forward ;  finally,  if  we 
trace  back  these  opposing  principles  to  their 
original  sources,  Peter  triumphs  over  Paul 
and  the  historical  Jesus  over  the  metaphysical 
Christ. 


Ill 

THE  POST-PAULINE  LITERATURE 

Survey 

Our  discussion  of  the  development  of  the 
gospel  literature  has  already  brought  us  into 
the  midst  of  the  literary  labour  of  the  genera- 
tion which  succeeded  the  death  of  St  Peter 
and  St  Paul  and  the  downfall  of  Jerusalem. 
This  active  occupation  with  the  material  of 
the  Gospel  story  shows  us,  however,  only  one 
line  along  which  the  interest  of  this  generation 
moved.  Anotherphase  of  interest  is  represented 
by  a  second  group  of  writings  which  are  in 
character  mutually  related.  To  these  we 
must  now  turn  our  atteul  ion.  They  are  in  the 
first  place  the  writings  which  appear  in  the 
New  Testament  under  the  names  Acts  of  the 
Apostles,  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  First  Epistle 

•<i01 


202    Early   Christian   Literature 

of  St  Peter,  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians.  In  some- 
what looser  connection  with  this  group  stand  the 
so-called  Pastoral  Epistles.  The  fact  that  in 
these  writings  the  form  of  Jesus  and  the  outlines 
of  His  life  come  more  clearly  into  view  than 
with  St  Paul,  betrays  that  they  were  composed 
during  the  epoch  of  gospel  literature.  Traces 
of  literary  dependence  upon  any  of  our  gospels 
can,  however,  nowhere  be  discovered  nor  need 
we  expect  to  find  them ;  indeed,  even  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  can  discover  scarcely 
any  trace  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke. 

The  majority  of  these  productions  are 
written  in  epistolary  form.  Strictly  speaking, 
however,  they  are  not  real  letters — that  is,  they 
were  not  called  into  being  by  the  concrete 
needs  of  a  particular  moment  of  time.  They 
read  like  sermons  or  lectures  written  down  for 
a  definite  circle  of  readers  which  is  described  in 
the  address.  Even  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
here  affords  an  analogy  in  so  far  as  this  work, 
together  with  its  first  part  the  Gospel  of  St 
Luke,  was  composed  for  the  circle  of  readers 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   203 

represented  by  Theophilus.  who  is  named  in 
the  dedication.  Wherever  an  address  is  given 
it  is  accordingly  fairly  extensive  in  scope. 
The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has  no  address, 
and  thus  affords  documentary  evidence  for  the 
truth  of  our  view  expressed  above  concerning 
the  two  Pauline  epistles  which  now  appear  in 
2  Cor.  x.  1-xiii.  10  and  Rom.  xvi.  1-20. 
We  shall,  however,  see  that  this  epistle  was  in 
all  probability  intended  for  the  Christians  of 
Italy.  The  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter  is  ad- 
dressed to  the  Christians  dwelling  in  all  the 
provinces  of  Asia  Minor  (1  St.  Pet.  i.  1).  In 
the  original  text  of  the  so-called  Epistle  to 
the  Ephesians  every  geographical  limitation  of 
the  circle  of  recipients  is  wanting  (i.  1),  though 
it  is  probable  that  the  communities  of  the 
province  of  Asia  occupied  the  first  place  in 
the  mind  of  the  author.  Even  in  case  of  the 
Pastoral  Kpistlcs  whole  provinces  stand  behind 
the  persons  to  whom  they  are  addressed. 
And  just  as  the  circle  of  recipients  is  larger, 
so   also   the    interests  which   come  to  light  in 


204    Early  Christian   Literature 

these  '  epistles  '  are  of  a  more  general  descrip- 
tion. They  are  not,  like  the  epistles  of  St 
Paul,  concerned  with  questions  which  occupy 
the  attention  of  a  single  community  at  a  par- 
ticular period :  they  are  written  for  every  one 
and  for  all  time.  The  one  epistle  of  St  Paul 
which  in  character  most  nearly  approximates 
to  these  sermons  in  the  form  of  epistles  is  the 
Epistle  to  the  Romans.  Their  authors  also 
are  unknown.  The  fact  that  two  of  these 
epistles  were  sent  forth  under  the  name  of  the 
two  great  leaders  of  the  first  generation,  St 
Peter  and  St  Paul,  and  that  genuine  fragments 
of  Pauline  letters  are  used  as  the  groundwork 
of  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  is  characteristic  of 
this  literature.  The  same  phenomenon  is 
again  presented  by  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
in  the  speeches  which  are  placed  in  the  mouths 
of  St  Peter,  St  Paul,  and  other  heroes  of  the 
first  generation.  The  authors  of  these  epistles 
and  of  these  speeches  are  men  of  dependent 
genius ;  they  avail  themselves  of  the  literary 
artifice  constantly  employed  in  ancient  days, 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   205 

an  artifice  by  which  they  speak  to  their  own 
generation  in  the  name  or  through  the  mouth 
of  acknowledged  masters  of  antiquity.  No 
one  in  those  days  felt  this  practice  to  be 
unsuitable  or  dishonourable.  It  was,  indeed, 
only  feelings  of  modesty  and  reverence  which 
led  writers  to  adopt  this  disguise.  The  disciple 
sank  his  personality  in  that  of  his  revered 
master  and,  as  it  were,  lent  his  pen  to  his 
spirit ;  men  wished  to  know  what  the  master 
himself  would  have  said  were  he  yet  present 
with  them  in  the  flesh.  The  disposition  of 
mind  which  is  thus  betrayed  marks  the 
character  of  this  generation — its  want  of 
spiritual  independence,  of  self-confidence, 
and  of  creative  power,  together  with  the  over- 
powering not  to  say  oppressive  sense  of  the 
unapproachable  superiority  of  the  great  men 
of  the  first  generation  of  Christians.  Hence 
these  writings  afford  us  no  sharply-defined 
picture  of  the  character  of  their  authors. 
They  are  not  men  of  strong  persona]  character 
and   genius  like  St    Peter   and    St    Paul,  who 


206    Early  Christian  Literature 

impressed  upon  their  creations  the  ineffaceable 
stamp  of  their  spirit.  One  easily  discerns  of 
what  spirit  they  were,  but  not  their  own 
personality. 

But  these  writings  are  not  only  of  similar 
character  from  the  literary  point  of  view. 
They  are  inwardly  related  to  one  another. 
The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  has  so  many 
points  of  contact  with  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles 
that  the  opinion  has  been  again  and  again 
advanced  that  they  both  had  the  same  author. 
Again,  the  champions  of  the  genuineness  of  the 
First  Epistle  of  St  Peter  with  good  grounds 
point  out  its  manifold  relationship  with  the 
speeches  of  St  Peter  in  the  Acts ;  only  its 
relationship  with  all  the  other  speeches  of  this 
book,  those  of  St  Stephen  and  St  Paul,  is  just 
as  close.  And  the  traits  which  distinguish  the 
Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  from  the  real  epistles 
of  St  Paul  are  just  those  which  bring  it  into 
close  connection  with  the  Acts,  also  with  the 
First  Epistle  of  St  Peter,  indeed  even  with  the 
Pastoral  Epistles.      In  fact  these  four  writings, 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   207 

the  Acts,  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the  First 
Epistle  of  St  Peter,  and  the  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesians,  represent  in  the  main  the  same  con- 
ception of  Christianity  and  the  same  interests. 
They  show  about  the  same  measure  of  depen- 
dence upon  St  Paul  and  of  deviation  from  his 
spirit— though  the  latter  is  in  different  directions 
—and  they  presuppose  in  the  main  the  same 
relations  within  Christian  circles. 

The  Pastoral  Epistles  vary  somewhat  from 
this  type ;  yet  they  move  on  lines  which,  if 
carried  back  to  St  Paul,  always  pass  through 
our  group  of  writings. 

The  dates  of  these  writings  would  seem  to 
be  about  equally  distant  from  the  time  of  St 
Paul.  All  of  them  bear  the  marks  of  a  bitter 
persecution.  Hut  there  is  no  evidence  that  a 
widely-spread  persecution  of  Christians  occurred 
before  the  last  years  of  Domitian,  about  92  90 
a. i).,  and  we  may  be  sure  that  some  trace  of 
such  a  persecution,  if  it  occurred,  would  have 
been  preserved  in  tradition.  After  Domitian 
the  Christians  again    had    rest    until    the    last 


208    Early   Christian   Literature 

years  of  Trajan.     There  is,  however,  no  reason 
to  adopt  so  late  a  date  for  these  writings.     And 
besides  if  the  epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome  still 
belongs  to  the   first   century  and  the  epistles 
of  Ignatius  to  the  second  or  third  decade  of 
the  second  century,  and  if  we  cannot  assign  a 
later  date  to  the  Gospel  of  St  John  than  the 
first  decade  of  the  second  century,  then  our 
writings  must  have  come  into  existence  at  an 
earlier   date ;   for  they   all  represent,  perhaps 
with   the   exception  of  the    First   Epistle   to 
Timothy,  earlier  stages  of  ideas  and  tendencies 
which  in  the  writings  we  have  just  mentioned 
have    attained   to   further   development.     In- 
deed, the  author  of  the  epistle  of  Clement  must 
have  read  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.     Thus 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  the  First  Epistle 
of  St  Peter,  according  to  which  the  persecu- 
tions are  still  in  full  course,  introduce  us  to  the 
first  half  of  the  last  decade  of  the  first  century, 
while  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  and  the  Acts, 
which  show  traces  of  recent  suffering  though  the 
actual  persecution  is  past,  may  be  placed  in  the 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   209 

second  half  of  the  same  decade.  The  history 
of  universal  literature  shows,  by  many  similar 
examples,  that  literary  production  like  the  tides 
has  its  periods  of  ebb  and  flow.  For  a  period 
of  about  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  St 
Peter  and  St  Paul  Christians  were  still  satis- 
fied with  what  these  Apostles  had  left  them ; 
but  when  the  new  period,  which  begins  with 
the  first  conflicts  between  Christianity  and  the 
Roman  State,  brought  Christians  face  to  face 
with  a  situation  in  which  all  former  interests  and 
standpoints  were  disturbed  and  confused,  then 
in  the  struggle  for  new  and  clear  expression 
they  again  took  up  the  pen. 

And  finally,  these  writings  of  the  time  of 
Domitian  are  related  together  in  regard  to 
place  of  origin.  Two  of  them,  Hebrews 
and  1  Peter,  with  the  greatest  probability 
proceed  from  Rome ;  two  others,  Ephesians 
and  Acts,  from  Ephesus,  one  of  the  places  to 
which  1  Peter  was  addressed.  The  Pastoral 
Epistles  leave  the  choice    free    between    both 

these  cit ies. 

14 


210    Early   Christian   Literature 

For  all  these  reasons  we  are  justified  in 
dealing  with  these  writings  in  close  connection 
with  one  another.  And  though  each  one  of 
them  may  be  too  meagre  and  indefinite  in 
content  to  afford  us  a  distinct  and  complete 
conception  of  its  circumstances,  yet  if  we  use 
them  to  complete  and  illustrate  one  another 
there  grows  before  our  eyes,  as  the  result  of 
the  spiritual  and  mental  labour  of  the  second 
generation,  an  interesting  picture  of  the 
surging  forces  and  interests  of  Christendom 
at  the  end  of  the  first  century. 

1.  The  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

The  need  of  a  generation,  which  could  not 
but  demand  that  the  great  past  should  be 
kept  before  its  eyes  as  the  law  of  the 
present,  was  met  by  a  work  which  is  the 
longest  and,  in  the  narrower  sense  of  the 
word,  the  only  historical  writing  in  the  New 
Testament.  Already  in  early  days  it  was 
called  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles.     So  complete 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   211 

was  the  success  of  the  work  in  meeting  the 
need  of  its  times  that  not  only  is  it  the  only 
writing  of  the  kind  in  the  New  Testament, 
but  it  was  only  at  a  remarkably  later  date  that 
its  author  found  imitators,  and  then  only 
among  sects  which  claimed  Apostles  as  their 
champions.  Measured  also  by  the  standard 
of  these  later  productions  this  work  is  really 
unique  in  character. 

It  is  now  generally  recognised  that  the  Acts 
has  the  same  author  as  the  Gospel  of  St  Luke. 
The  insignificant  differences  in  vocabulary  and 
style  are  at  once  explained  by  the  difference 
in  the  material  and  the  sources.  It  is  likewise 
certain  that  the  preface  (St  Luke  i.  1-4)  was 
meant  to  be  an  introduction  to  the  whole  work, 
and  therefore  also  to  the  Acts,  its  second  part. 
For  the  description  of  authorities  given  therein 
refers  unmistakably  to  both  parts  of  the  work  ; 
the  "  eye-witnesses  "  arc  the  authority  for  the 
Life  of  our  Lord,  and  the  "ministers  of  the 
word  "  for  the   history   of  the   founding  of  the 

Christian  communities.      We  may  therefore 


212    Early   Christian   Literature 

use  the  notices  given  in  this  preface  concerning 
the  aim  of  the  author  as  a  key  to  the  com- 
prehension  of  his   literary   procedure   in    the 
Acts.       We    learn    that    this    description    of 
"the  things  which   had  been  fulfilled  among 
Christians  "  rests  upon  a  careful  collection  of 
material,  and  is  intended  to  place  the  cultivated 
man  of  those  days  in  a  position  to  judge  of 
the  trustworthiness  of  that  concerning  which 
he   allows   himself  to  be  instructed.     As  we 
see   from   the   dedication   to  the  "excellent" 
Theophilus,  the  author  has  in  his  eye  readers 
belonging  to  the  class  of  higher  State  officials, 
ignorant  of  and  yet  well  disposed  towards  the 
Christian    movement,    who    feel    moved    to 
inquire   thoroughly    into  the  origin  and  aims 
of  this    new  phenomenon.     The  first  part  of 
the   work    which    deals    with   the  Founder  of 
the   new    community   naturally  could  not  be 
essentially  modified  by  this  aim  of  the  author, 
but  it  is  otherwise  with  the  second  part.     This 
was    intended   to  give  clear  information  con- 
cerning  the  introduction  of  the  new  religion 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   213 

into  the  Gentile  world,  concerning  the  origin 
of  the  community  of  believers  spreading  into 
many  lands,  and  concerning  the  relation  of 
both  to  the  Jewish  religion  and  the  Roman 
State.  It  therefore  treats  of  events  of  a 
more  outward  nature ;  hence  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  is  more  wanting  in  interest  for 
inward  purely  religious  feeling  than  almost 
any  other  primitive  Christian  writing. 

Xor  does  the  author  afford  us  very  satis- 
factory insight  into  the  inward  history  of  the 
life  of  the  Christian  community,  into  the 
development  of  Christian  thought  and  conduct, 
though  in  the  very  first  chapters  lie  is  careful 
to  draw  for  us  in  his  description  of  the 
primitive  Church  of  Jerusalem  an  ideal  pic- 
ture of  a  Christian  Church,  and  though  lie 
occasionally  gives  us  an  outline  of  the  con- 
victions which  inspired  these  communities, 
in  the  form  of  solemn  utterances  of  leading 
Christians.  But  compared  with  the  testimony 
of  the  Apostle  St  Paul,  or  even  with  that  of  the 
epistles  of  the  second  generation,  what  is  here 


214    Early   Christian   Literature 

offered  to  us  is  truly  meagre  and  colourless. 
The  description  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem, 
although  the  author  twice  undertakes  it 
(ii.  42-47  and  iv.  32-v.  16),  proves  that  he 
lacks  all  accurate  and  detailed  information. 
General  edifying  phrases  cannot  take  the 
place  of  concrete  facts.  Compared  with 
the  living  portraits  of  the  Pauline  churches, 
which  are  dashed  off  in  the  epistles  of  the 
great  Apostle,  this  primitive  Church  of 
Jerusalem  suggests  a  sacred  picture  of  a  some- 
what conventional  type.  It  is  no  doubt  the 
author's  own  ideal  of  a  Christian  Church 
which  he  thus  transplants  into  those  early 
days — a  church  where  all  are  good,  pious, 
obedient  to  the  Apostles,  where  no  "  spiritual 
gifts "  disturb  unity  and  order.  The  very 
fact  that  the  author  seeks  in  the  past  the 
standard  for  all  the  future,  and  so  places 
his  ideal  in  the  past  instead  of  self-confidently 
contending  for  it  in  his  own  present,  testifies 
to  the  lack  of  original  creative  force  which  is 
characteristic   of    this    second    generation    of 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature    215 

Christians.  Again,  when  he  comes  to  the 
description  of  the  religious  treasure  of 
Christendom  we  no  longer  discern  anything 
of  the  wealth  of  feeling,  of  the  force  of 
purpose,  of  the  abounding  riches  of  thought 
which  are  shown  us  even  in  the  post- Pauline 
epistles,  though  indeed  in  failing  measure.  To 
be  a  Christian  means  to  believe  in  Jesus 
as  the  Messiah,  in  His  and  in  the  general 
Resurrection,  and  in  the  approaching  Judg- 
ment—  and  to  live  a  holy  life.  This  measured 
by  the  standard  of  St  Paul  or  of  our  Lord 
is  a  very  curtailed  gospel.  But  it  is  not 
therefore  without  interest ;  for  it  gives  us 
original  information  concerning  the  view  taken 
of  the  essential  nature  of  Christianity  by  a 
convert  from  heathenism  at  the  end  of  the 
first  century,  by  one  who,  though  he  was  no 
theologian,  was  yet  a  man  of  culture. 

But  the  main  import  of  the  book,  according 
to  the  author's  purpose,  does  not  lie  in  these 
occasional  notices  which  often  lead  up  to  a 
formulated  though  truly  meagre  confession  of 


216    Early  Christian  Literature 

belief.  Rather  he  has  set  himself  the  task  of 
showing  how  Christianity  has  spread  itself 
over  the  world.  It  is  to  be  noted  as  an 
especially  characteristic  trait  that  he  closes  his 
account  with  the  life's  work  of  St  Paul.  And 
this  limitation  of  the  scope  of  his  narrative  to 
the  missionary  work  of  the  first  generation  is 
not  at  all  due  to  the  fact  that  he  did  not 
survive  that  epoch — here  and  there,  indeed, 
we  can  clearly  see  that  a  considerable  period 
of  time  separates  him  from  the  events  he 
narrates — but  he  considers  that  the  great 
work  of  introducing  Christianity  into  the 
world  was  fulfilled  by  the  first  generation. 
And  he  indeed  judges  rightly.  He  feels,  and 
his  feeling  is  correct,  that  what  had  happened 
since  those  days  was  nothing  new  but  only  the 
natural  continuation  of  a  development  then 
set  going,  and  that  this  first  generation  alone 
possessed  heroes  —  creative  leading  spirits 
whose  performances  and  experiences  were 
worthy  of  narration. 

He   divides    his   work    into    four    sections, 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   217 

though  as  a  skilful  author  he,  according  to  the 
taste  of  his  times,  supplies  transitional  passages 
at  the  points  of  division  so  that  one  notices  no 
marked  gaps  in  his  narrative.     First  he  tells 
of  the  beginning  of  Christianity  in  Jerusalem 
and   among   the  Jewish  people  (i.   1-viii.  4)  ; 
next  of  its  extension  among  the  Gentiles  and 
beyond  the  borders  of  Palestine  (viii.  5  xvi.  5) ; 
thirdly,  of  the  foundation  of  Christian  com- 
munities in  the  Greek  world  (xvi.  6-xxi.  14) ; 
and  fourthly,  of  the  legal  position  of   Chris- 
tianity in  the  Roman  State  (xxi.  15-xxviii.  31). 
His   work   very  clearly  confirms  what  is  ex- 
pressly stated  in  the  preface  that  his  aims  are 
practical,    not     historical ;    indeed,    a    literary 
undertaking  of  purely  historical  interest  was  a 
psychological    impossibility  among  men  whose 
eyes   were  so  earnestly  fixed   upon  the  future. 
This  lack  of  purely  historical  interest  can  alone 
explain    how   it    is  that    a   writer,   who    every- 
where shows   himself    master    of    his    material 
and   a    skilled    artist,  nevertheless    throughout 
his     whole     hook     gives     US     only     unfinished 


2i 8    Early   Christian   Literature 

sketches.  A  few  examples  will  suffice.  The 
completion  of  the  number  of  the  Twelve 
(i.  15-26)  and  the  choice  of  the  Seven  (vi.  1-6) 
is  related  in  detail,  and  yet  we  hear  nothing  of 
the  performances  of  these  two  bodies.  St 
John,  the  son  of  Zebedee,  who  appears  on  a 
few  occasions  in  the  first  sections  as  a  silent 
companion  of  St  Peter,  afterwards  completely 
vanishes  from  the  scene.  But  it  is  the  same 
with  men  of  whose  work  something  is  told, 
such  as  Barnabas,  Silas,  Apollos,  Mark;  indeed, 
even  St  Peter,  who  at  the  beginning  stands  as 
the  central  point  of  the  narrative,  is  afterwards 
completely  forgotten.  On  the  other  hand 
St  James,  who  takes  St  Peter's  place  at 
Jerusalem,  appears  upon  the  scene  without 
introduction  (xii.  17)  and  acts  (xv.  13,  xxi.  18) 
as  the  leader  of  the  community ;  and  yet  we 
hear  nothing  else  of  him — nothing  concerning 
his  conversion,  nor  how  he  came  to  his  position 
in  the  Church,  nor  concerning  his  end.  Also 
the  story  of  the  origin  of  the  body  of  elders 
in  Jerusalem,  who  are    mentioned    in    xi.  30, 


The   Post- Pauline   Literature   219 

xv.  2  ff'.,  xxi.  18,  is  nowhere  related;  indeed, 
the  whole  history  of  this  earliest  Christian 
Church  whose  beginnings  fill  the  first  seven 
chapters,  practically  ceases  from  that  point  so 
far  as  this  book  is  concerned.  And  the  author 
has  no  space  for  much  else  which  appears  well 
worthy  of  knowledge,  at  least  to  us  of  to-day 
who  desire  to  see  clear  pictures  of  the  past. 
Thus  nothing  is  written  concerning  the 
position  of  the  Twelve  in  the  early  Church  of 
Jerusalem,  or  concerning  the  relations  of  the 
latter  with  Temple,  Synagogue,  and  national 
Jewish  society.  We  learn  just  as  little  of  the 
organisation,  character,  and  inward  history  of 
the  Pauline  communities.  Though  the  author 
may  not  have  been  in  the  position  to  fill  up 
many  of  these  gaps,  he  probably  scarcely 
noticed  them.  Concerning  other  things, 
whose  omission  we  notice,  he  must  have 
known   more  than   lie  tells   us. 

Moreover,  the  frequenl  cases  of  obscurity  of 
description  may  be  partly  due  to  want  of 
power    in    the    narrator,   though    this  does  not 


220    Early   Christian   Literature 

well  tally  with  the  impression  of,  the  author 
which  we  receive  from  his  gospel.  The  chief 
cause  at  all  events  is  to  be  found  in  the  fact 
that  clearness  of  historical  description  was  no 
object  to  him  nor  did  it  form  part  of  his 
purpose.  For  example,  we  cannot  realise  for 
ourselves  the  event  of  Pentecost  as  he 
describes  it — the  author  is  not  clear  even  as 
to  the  locality — while  the  miracle  of  tongues, 
with  the  immediate  conversion  and  even 
Baptism  of  three  thousand  souls  (ii.  41),  is  an 
impossibility.  The  representation  given  of 
the  community  of  goods  (ii.  44  ;  iv.  32  ;  iv. 
34-v.  11)  is  quite  obscure.  The  behaviour  of 
the  people  of  Jerusalem  as  well  as  that  of  their 
rulers  is  often  self-contradictory,  and  its  con- 
stant change  is  left  unexplained.  While  the 
Pharisees  are  described  as  favourably  disposed 
to  the  Christians,  the  bitterest  persecutor  of 
the  new  community  arises  from  their  midst. 
Stephen  and  Philip  are  chosen  among  the 
Seven  to  serve  tables ;  instead  of  this,  they 
become  greater  missionaries  than  the  Twelve. 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   221 

The  trial  of  Stephen  is  most  involved.  In 
spite  of  the  general  flight  of  the  Christians 
from  Jerusalem  (viii.  1)  St  Paul  finds  a  great 
number  of  them  there  (ix.  25).  In  spite  of  the 
persecution  raging  everywhere  (viii.  1-3)  the 
Apostles  journey  preaching  through  Samaria 
and  return  to  Jerusalem  (viii.  14-17,  25).  St 
Philip  in  Cajsarea  (viii.  40)  and  St  Peter  in 
the  same  place  (x.  1)  take  no  notice  of  one 
another.  The  detailed  narrative  of  St  Peter's 
deliverance  from  prison  stands  in  unintelligible 
contrast  to  the  deep  silence  concerning  the 
further  action  of  one  so  miraculously  delivered 
( \ii.  I  17).  I  low  he  came  to  be  at  the  Council 
of  Jerusalem  is  no  more  explained  than  how 
St  James  came  to  be  chief  in  the  Church  of 
thai  city.  The  conversion  of  St  Paul  is  thrice 
narrated  (chaps.  i\.,  x x i i . ,  xxvi.)  with  striking 
differences  which  seem  to  give  no  trouble  to 
the  author.  All  these  things  and  much  besides 
are  only  intelligible  on  the  supposition  that 
the  author  is  moved  by  no  kind  of  historical 
interest   in    the  scenes   which   he  describes. 


222    Early   Christian   Literature 

Moreover,  the  plan  of  the  book  shows  that 
the  author  does  not  intend  simply  to  narrate 
the  course  of  history.  The  descriptions  in  the 
first  part  (chaps,  i.-viii.)  after  the  three  intro- 
ductory stories— The  missionary  commission 
of  the  ascending  Christ  (i.  1-14),  The  com- 
pletion of  the  number  of  the  Twelve  (i.  15-26), 
The  origin  of  the  Church  (ii.  1-41)— are 
fashioned  in  three  stages  of  exactly  similar 
construction.  To  three  notices  concerning  the 
life  of  the  community  (ii.  42-47,  iv.  32-v.  14, 
vi.  1-7)  are  respectively  attached  narratives 
of  the  ministry  and  miracles  of  St  Peter  and 
St  John  (hi.  1-26),  of  the  Twelve  (v.  15-16), 
and  of  one  of  the  Seven  (vi.  8-10).  In  each 
case  this  leads  to  an  intervention  of  the 
authorities,  to  formal  charges,  speeches  of 
defence  and  judicial  sentences  (iv.  1-22,  v.  17- 
42,  vi.  11-viii.  3).  We  note  a  distinct  climax 
in  the  three  stages,  most  clearly  marked  in 
the  final  event  of  each ;  in  the  first  the 
authorities  only  give  a  warning,  in  the  second 
the  Apostles  are  scourged,  and  in  the  third  St 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   223 

Stephen  is  stoned.  This  is  not  history  but 
artificial  literary  construction.  The  accounts 
of  the  conversion  of  Saul  (chap,  ix.)  and  of 
Cornelius  (chap,  x.)  are  parallel  to  one  another 
even  in  detail ;  so  are  the  missions  of  Philip 
(chap,  viii.)  and  of  Saul  (chap,  ix.)  with  their 
stages  -  -  an  independent  mission  in  new 
countries,  recognition  by  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem,  the  settlement  of  the  missionary  in 
the  one  case  in  Csesarea,  in  the  other  case 
in  Tarsus.  The  same  is  true  of  the  missions 
of  Philip  (chap,  viii.)  and  of  Peter  (ix.  31- 
xi.  18) :  first  miracles,  then  the  intervention  of 
angels,  then  the  Holy  Spirit,  then  the  justifi- 
cation of  Baptism,  where  the  agreement  is 
almost  verbal.  If,  moreover,  we  find  similar 
parallels  in  the  active  ministry  of  St  Peter 
and  St  Paul,  this  docs  not  show,  as  was  once 
supposed,  that  the  Acts  was  intended  to  set 
up  a  compromise  between  the  two  contending 
authorities  of  primitive  Christendom,  St  Peter 
and  St  Paul  ;  rather  it  only  answers  to  the 
literary  disposition  of  the  writer.     The  number 


224    Early   Christian   Literature 

three  plays   its    part    also    in    his    history    of 
St    Paul :    there   are    three    records    of    the 
conversion    (chaps,     ix.,    xxii.,    xxvi.),    three 
missionary  journeys    (chaps,    xiii.  f.,  xv.    36- 
xviii.    22,    xviii.    23-xix.    40),    three    great 
missionary  sermons — one  to  Jews  (chap.  xiii. ), 
one  to  Gentiles  (chap,  xvii.),  one  to  Christians 
(chap,   xx.) — three   great   apologetic   speeches 
(chaps,  xx.,  xxiv.,  xxvi.).     This  shows   again 
that  the  author  cannot  have  aimed  at  giving  a 
connected  history  of  what  occurred  among  the 
first  generation  of  Christians.     It  is  indeed  a 
matter   for   unfeigned    sorrow   that  the  naive 
reception    of  this  book  as  an  historical  work 
instead  of  helping  the  reader  to  form  a  living 
conception  of  the  events  of  those  days,   has 
rather   blinded   his   eye   for   and    blunted    his 
interest  in  the  great  historical  problems  which 
lie  in  the  beginnings  of  Christianity.     If  there 
has    not    yet   arisen    among   us    a    consistent 
historical     picture     of     the     beginnings     of 
Christianity  —  a    picture    which    by    showing 
clearly    the    active    forces    and    the    decisive 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   225 

moments  of  developments  would  claim  the 
interest  of  every  cultivated  man — one  of  the 
most  important  causes  of  this  failure  lies  in 
the  idiosyncrasy  of  the  document  to  which  we 
are  referred  as  the  chief  authority  on  these 
points.  The  Pauline  epistles  tell  us  much 
more  concerning  these  things,  and  they  also 
place  the  characteristic  forces  of  primitive 
Christian  development  in  their  right  light. 

What  then  was  the  author's  aim  in  writing 
this  book  ?  He  cannot  have  meant  thereby  to 
establish  a  compromise  between  different  con- 
ceptions of  Christianity.  With  the  greatest 
simplicity  he  permits  all  the  characters  of  his 
story,  sometimes  even  in  close  succession,  to 
bring  absolutely  the  same  somewhat  superficial 
Christian  beliefs  to  expression.  The  question — 
What  is  the  right  conception  of  Christianity? 
— has  absolutely  no  interest  for  him.  The 
opposition  of  St  Paul  to  Jewish  Christianity 
is  neither  concealed  nor  minimised.  1 1  is 
parallelism  with  St  Peter  is  less  than  that 
with  St  Stephen  or  St  Philip.     It  was  formerly 

15 


226    Early   Christian   Literature 

supposed  that  this  book  disclosed  a  tendency 
to  unite  the  Jewish  Christianity  of  Palestine 
and  the  Gentile  Christianity  of  the  Pauline 
churches  upon  one  central  platform.  If  the 
author  had  this  end  in  view  he  has  shown 
little  tact  in  dealing  with  sore  feelings  ;  for  on 
the  one  hand,  in  ii.  26  and  iii.  25  f.9  he  un- 
reservedly acknowledges  the  religious  pre- 
eminence of  Judaism,  while  on  the  other  hand 
he  strongly  condemns  the  Jews  as  a  "  crooked 
generation"  (ii.  40)  and  renews  the  ancient 
curse  of  Isaiah  against  that  nation  (xxviii. 
26/!).  The  whole  supposition  is,  however, 
improbable  in  the  highest  degree,  for  no  early 
Christian  document  contemporary  with  this 
work  gives  us  the  least  hint  that  the  composing 
of  controversies  or  the  harmonising  of  discords 
between  Jewish  and  Gentile  Christians,  or  the 
settlement  of  the  question  of  the  validity  of 
the  Mosaic  Law,  were  in  any  sense  crying 
needs  of  those  times. 

All  that  is  necessary  in  order  to  discover  the 
purpose  of  this  work  is  to  dwell  upon  what 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   227 

evidently  interests  the  author  instead  of  taking 
what  interests  men  of  to-day  as  the  starting- 
point  of  our  enquiry.  The  sketch  of  the  con- 
struction of  the  book  given  above  showed  that 
the  narratives  of  the  three  parallel  cycles  of 
the  first  part  culminate  in  records  of  public 
accusations  against  the  Christians,  of  defences 
before  the  authorities,  and  judicial  sentences. 
It  is  only  in  these  sections  that  the  narrative 
becomes  detailed.  All  the  speeches  in  chaps. 
hi.,  v.,  and  vii.  are  apologies  for  the  Christian 
religions  brotherhood  and  its  missionary 
activity.  The  last  of  the  speeches  is  also 
intended  to  explain  why  .Judaism  was  incapable 
of  comprehending  the  new  movement.  In 
the  second  part  of  the  book  there  is  a  change 
in  the  point  of  interest  of  the  narrative.  It  is 
shown  by  examples,  again  with  increasing 
emphasis,  how  the  extension  of  the  Gospel 
beyond  the  limits  of*  a  hostile  Judaism  was 
divinely  willed  and  directed.  The  dispersion 
of  the  Christians  at  the  death  of  Stephen  is 
the  primary  cause  (viii.  4  /'.).      By  the  word  of 


228    Early  Christian   Literature 

an  angel  Philip,  after  brilliant  success  among 
the  kindred  Samaritans,  is  conducted  to  an 
^Ethiopian  (viii.  26  /!).  Paul  the  Apostle  of 
the  Gentiles  (ix.  14,  xxii.  21,  xxvi.  16-18),  by 
means  of  a  heavenly  vision,  from  being  a 
persecutor  becomes  a  champion  and  missionary 
of  Christianity  (ix.  1  ff.).  Making  his  escape 
from  the  Jews  of  Damascus  (ix.  23  f.)  he 
preaches  in  Jerusalem  to  the  Hellenists  (ix. 
29).  Peter  again,  by  means  of  vision  and 
angelic  direction,  is  led  against  his  inclination 
to  the  Roman  centurion  in  Caisarea  (x.  1-48). 
A  Christian  community,  the  work  of  unknown 
men,  arises  as  it  were  spontaneously  in 
Antioch,  the  capital  of  the  East  (xi.  19-21). 
By  prophets  Paul  and  Barnabas  are  ordained 
in  Antioch  and  sent  forth  thence  to  Cyprus 
and  Galatia  (xiii.  1  ff.),  and  the  brilliant 
success  of  their  mission  among  the  Gentiles 
after  its  complete  failure  among  the  Jews 
(xiii.  46)  is  the  justification  of  their  under- 
taking. In  the  third  part  of  the  book,  which 
describes  the  Pauline   mission    in   the    Greek 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   229 

world — this  time  in  chronological  order — the 
interest  of  the  narrator  is  really  held,  as  in 
the  first  part,  by  the  attitude  of  the  civil 
authorities  towards  the  charges  brought  against 
the  Christians ;  so  in  Philippi  (xvi.  20-40),  in 
Thessalonica  (xvii.  6-9),  in  Corinth  (xviii.  12- 
17),  in  Ephesus  (xix.  23-40).  Strong  emphasis 
is  laid  upon  the  fact  that  the  Christians  are 
always  found  innocent  of  the  charges  brought 
against  them.  The  fourth  and  last  part  of 
the  book  is  almost  entirely  taken  up  by  St 
Paul's  apologies  for  Christianity  and  for  its 
extension  among  the  Gentiles  (xxii.  1-21, 
xxiv.  10  21,  xxvi.  2-23),  with  interludes 
testifying  to  the  fanatical  enmity  of  the  Jews 
(xxi.  11.  13,  21,  27,  31,  85;  xxii.  22  24;  xxiii. 
2,  10-22;  xxiv.  1  0;  xxv.  1  0;  xxviii.  17-24). 
In  every  case  the  charge,  the  defence,  or  the 
verdict  is  distinctly  formulated,  as  already  in 
the  third  purl,  (xvi.  20  /'.,  xvii.  7,  xviii.  13  15, 
xix.  85  37).  so  ;ilso  here  (xxi.  20  /.,  28,  88; 
xxiii.  0,  '•>.  28  J'.\  xxiv.  5  S,  25;  xxv.  8,  II, 
18    /:,    25;     xxvi.    32;     xxviii.    17-22).       All 


230    Early   Christian   Literature 

these  things  clearly  show  that  this  book  was 
written  in  order  to  prove  from  history  that 
the  extension  of  the  new  religion  among  the 
Gentiles  was  in  accordance  with  God's  will 
and  was  absolutely  without  danger  to  the 
State,  for  never  had  a  charge  brought  against 
its  champions  led  to  a  condemnation  that  was 
legally  tenable.  From  this  point  of  view,  it 
now  also  becomes  intelligible  wrhy  the  author 
does  not  relate  the  result  of  the  trial  of 
St  Paul  and  prefers  rather  to  close  his  book 
with  the  description  of  the  freedom  accorded 
to  the  Apostle  in  Rome  though  he  was  there  a 
prisoner  upon  trial  (xxviii.  30/!).  It  is  scarcely 
conceivable  that  the  end  of  the  book  should 
have  been  lost ;  and  it  is  pure  fancy  to  suppose 
that  the  death  of  the  author  prevented  the 
completion  of  his  work,  or  that  he  intended  to 
continue  the  story  of  the  Acts  in  a  third 
book  which  he  was  hindered  from  writing. 
Rather  the  last  words  "  none  forbidding  him  " 
admirably  suit  his  purpose  and  aim ;  while 
these  would  have  been  spoiled  by  the  Apostle's 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature    231 

condemnation  to  death  had  the  narrative  been 
continued. 

But  the  writer  in  all  that  he  narrates  is  not 
absorbed  in  this  one  interest.  There  is  a 
second  point  which  he  wishes  to  elucidate 
from  history — namely,  the  relation  of  the 
Christian  religion  to  Judaism.  He  contends 
for  the  position  that  Christianity  does  not 
stand  in  opposition  to  the  Jewish  religion  but 
is  its  fulfilment.  The  speeches  of  St  Peter 
(ii.  14-36-iii.  12-26)  are  dedicated  to  the 
proof  that  Christianity  is  the  fulfilment 
promised  in  the  sacred  Scriptures  of  the  Jews  ; 
those  of  St  Stephen  (vii.  2  -53)  and  of  St  Paul 
(xiii  16—41)  arc  intended  to  show  that  the 
presenl  attitude  of  the  Jews  corresponds  to 
their  whole  past  history;  while  all  through  the 
book  we  can  sec  thai  it  is  one  of  the  author's 
chief  objects  to  refute  the  fallacy  that  Gentile 
Christianity  is  opposed  to  the  Jewish  religion. 
Thus  it   is  a   constant   trail    of  the   narrative 

that    the    new    Christian     foundations     always 

have  their  origin  in  the   Synagogue  and   set 


232    Early  Christian  Literature 

themselves  in  communion  with  the  Church  of 
Jerusalem ;  indeed,  that  by  their  offerings  of 
alms  (xi.  29  J'.,  xxiv.  17)  they  even  place 
themselves  in  a  relation  to  this  Church  cor- 
responding to  that  of  the  proselyte  to  the 
born  Jew.  Only  the  historic  and  character- 
istic obstinacy  and  stiffneckedness  of  the 
Jews  had  now  brought  them  to  the  pass 
of  rejecting  the  Gospel.  On  an  important 
occasion  (xv.  14-18)  it  is  shown  by  St  James, 
the  champion  of  the  Jewish  Christians, 
that  this  accession  of  the  Gentiles  had  been 
already  prophesied,  and  especially  in  the  second 
section  of  the  work  it  is  pointed  out  that 
the  details  of  their  conversion  were  divinely 
directed.  The  possibility  of  brotherly  converse 
between  Jew  and  Gentile  Christian  is  shown 
in  the  story  of  Cornelius  (x.  43-45,  xi.  18), 
and  by  the  transactions  and  decrees  of  the 
Council  of  the  Apostles  (xv.  19-29)  which 
were  generally  accepted  and  carried  out 
(xvi.  4,  xxi.  25).  Perhaps  such  great  emphasis 
is  laid  upon  Baptism  because  it  was  recognised 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   233 

as  the  act  by  which  Gentiles  were  received 
into  religious  fellowship  with  Jews.  But  it  is 
principally  in  the  fourth  section  of  the  book 
that  this  question  of  the  relationship  between 
Judaism  and  Christianity  plays  the  leading  part. 
As  already  in  Corinth  by  the  mouth  of  Gallio 
so  also  in  the  judicial  pleadings  of  this  section 
it  is  repeatedly  and  emphatically  stated  that 
the  Christian  Gospel  is  a  matter  of  Jewish 
controversy  (xxiii.  29,  xxv.  18/!,  xxvi.  3).  St 
Paul  again  and  again  protests  that  he  himself 
is  a  Jew  (xxi.  39,  xxii.  3,  xxvi.  5),  that  he  serves 
the  God  of  his  fathers  (xxiii.  1,  xxi  v.  14-16, 
xxv.  8),  that  he  believes  in  the  Holy  Scriptures 
of  the  Jews  (xxvi.  22,  27;  xxviii.  23),  that  he 
wishes  to  turn  none  away  from  this  faith 
(xxi.  21,  xxiv.  12,  xxv.  10,  xxviii.  17),  that  lie 
preaches  none  other  than  the  Hope  of  the 
Jews  (xxiii.  6;  xxvi.  0-8,  22,  27  ;  xxviii.  20,  28) ; 
while  like  Stephen  before  him  (vi.  18)  lie  is 
distinctly  accused  of  teaching  apostasy  from 
Moses  (xxi.  21,  28).  While  the  author  estab- 
lishes his  thesis  that  the  controversy  is  a  purely 


234    Early  Christian  Literature 

Jewish  question,  he  upon  each  occasion  lets  it 
be  clearly  seen  that  St  Paul  had  committed 
no  crime  worthy  of  death  (xxiii.  29  ;  xxv.  11, 
18,  25). 

We  may,  therefore,  following  the  intention 
of  the  author,  class  the  four  parts  of  his  work 
under  the  following  headings: — (1)  Chaps, 
i.-viii.  :  The  relation  of  Christianity  to  Judaism 
whose  fulfilment  it  is  ;  (2)  Chaps,  ix.-xv. :  The 
position  of  the  Gentiles  within  the  Church  ; 
(3)  Chaps,  xvi.-xxii. :  The  attitude  of  Jews  and 
Gentiles,  more  particularly  the  civil  authorities, 
towards  Christianity ;  (4)  Chaps,  xxii.-xxviii. : 
The  right  conclusion  as  to  the  relationship  of 
Christianity  to  Judaism  and  the  State. 

This  method  of  construction  shows  that  the 
book  is  not  an  historical  work  but  an  apology 
for  Christianity  set  forth  in  historical  pictures. 
In  it  every  conceivable  charge  against  Chris- 
tianity is  proved  to  be  unjustified,  and  a  claim 
is  asserted  to  the  same  protection  and  the 
same  freedom  which  were  assured  to  the 
Jewish  religion  in  the  Roman  State,  seeing  that 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   235 

it  is  shown  that  Christianity  is  nothing  else 
than  the  fulfilment  of  the  Jewish  religion 
rightly  understood.  It  lies  in  the  nature 
of  the  case  that  these  themes  could  not  be 
each  exclusively  assigned  to  one  of  the  four 
parts  of  the  work ;  and  considering  the  multi- 
tude of  interests  that  occupied  the  attention 
of  the  Christian  brotherhood  it  is  only  what 
might  be  expected  if  all  kinds  of  side-issues 
come  in  for  discussion.  Nor  could  it  well  be 
avoided  that  this  book,  with  its  constant  refer- 
ence to  the  external  relations  of  the  Christian 
movement,  should  be  wanting  in  its  represen- 
tation of  the  inward  heart  of  Christianity,  in 
spite  of  the  attractive  and  sometimes  very 
noble  descriptions  of  particular  characters  and 
events  thai  are  here  given  us.  The  points  of 
\irw  which  determine  the  form  and  substance 
of  the  hook  point  lo  a  time  when  the  Slate 
was  already  seriously  occupied  with  the  new 
society.    ;iikI    when    the   eyes   ol*  the   Christians 

themselves  were  already  earnestly  fixed  upon 
the  world  that  surrounded  them.     Thus  this 


236    Early  Christian  Literature 

work  carries  us  back  to  the  beginning  of  that 
great  conflict  which  lasted  in  varied  form  for 
some  fifteen  hundred  years  between  the  State 
and  the  new  power  which  had  now  come  into 
existence — a  religion  divorced  in  spirit  from 
every  form  of  State  authority  and  fashioning 
for  itself  its  own  organisation.  It  is  this 
which  marks  the  importance  of  the  book  in 
the  history  of  mankind.  In  Rom.  xiii.  1-7 
we  have  the  first  testimony  that  the  struggle 
was  commencing.  It  had  become  intensified 
by  the  time  Pet.  ii.  13-17  was  written,  while 
in  1  Tim.  ii.  2  return  is  again  made  to  the 
tone  of  Rom.  xiii.,  after  the  Acts  had,  as  it 
were,  prepared  the  way  for  a  mutual  under- 
standing. The  task  which  our  author  had 
set  himself  clearly  shows  that  he  wrote  after 
the  Persecution  of  Domitian — the  first  serious 
and  determined  conflict  of  the  new  society 
with  the  Roman  State.  On  the  other  hand 
the  perfect  simplicity  of  the  Christian  com- 
munities as  pictured  in  this  book,  the  absence 
of  all  purely  Greek  conceptions,  and  the  lively 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   23 


interest  that  is  shown  in  the  historical  figure 
of  St  Paul,  forbid  us  to  assign  the  work  to  a 
much  later  date.  A\  e  may  then  assume  that  it 
was  written  at  the  end  of  the  first  century. 

We   have  thus  shown  that  this  book  is  an 
historical  document  of  the  first  importance  for 
our  knowledge  of  the  conditions  and  ideas  of 
the  time  at  which  it  was  written  ;  this,  however, 
does  not  determine  the  question  of  its  value  as 
an  historical  authority  for  the  times  which  it 
describes  for  its  own  purposes.     In  our  exami- 
nation   of  this  question  we  must  distinguish 
the  narratives  relating  to  the  time  of  St  Paul 
lii )i n    ull    that    precede    that    date.     In    the 
narrative  of  the  missionary  journeys  of  St  Paul 
the    pronoun    "we*'  of   the    narrator   appears, 
as  it  seems  quite  capriciously,  in  four  sections 
separate    from    one   another   and    yet    closely 
bound   up  with  their  Immediate  context  (xvi. 
10-1K,  xx.fi    15,  XXL  I    18,  xxvii.  1    xxviii.  10). 
We  cannot  suppose  that    our  skilful   author,  if 
lie  derived  these  passages  from   the  account  of 
an    eye  witness,   would    not   ha\e  changed   the 


238    Early   Christian   Literature 

first  person  into  the  third  according  to  the 
tenor  of  the  rest  of  his  narrative.  We  can 
only  understand  his  procedure  on  the  supposition 
that  this  variation  in  person  already  existed  in 
a  comprehensive  document  which  our  author 
wished  to  incorporate  wholly  and  in  its  original 
form  into  his  own  work.  This  document  may 
be  clearly  discerned  in  many  other  parts  of  the 
work.  In  the  account  of  the  Pauline  missions, 
which  are  often  given  very  fully,  our  attention 
is  caught  by  passages  merely  consisting  of  cur- 
sory sketches  of  the  Apostle's  travels,  sketches 
which  contain  little  more  than  a  list  of  the 
cities  he  visited.  We  come  upon  such  passages, 
for  instance,  in  xvi.  6-12  ;  xvii.  1  ;  xix.  21-23  ; 
xx.  1-6,  13-16  ;  xxi.  1-4,  7,  whilst  within  the 
framework  thus  formed  are  inserted  life-like 
descriptions  of  particular  events  which  occurred 
at  the  most  important  places.  The  contrast 
of  style  also  is  most  noticeable  ;  here  prosaic, 
purely  objective,  after  the  fashion  of  a  chronicle, 
there  full  of  edifying  phraseology  and  legend 
after  the  fashion  of  a  romance.     This  difference 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   239 

is  even  accompanied  by  a  difference  in  vocabu- 
lary. Phrases  which  occur  again  and  again  in 
the  more  diffuse  sections  and  partly  also  in  the 
gospel,  and  hence  seem  to  belong  to  the  style 
of  the  author,  are  wanting  in  the  other  sec- 
tions ;  whilst  in  the  record  of  travels,  though  it 
is  content  with  expressions  of  the  simplest 
description — such  as  "  he  came,"  "  he  passed 
through  "  -we  find  not  a  few  words  which  occur 
nowhere  else  in  the  Acts.  This  continuous 
diary  of  the  missionary  journeys  can  only  have 
been  composed  by  a  travelling  companion  of  St 
Paid,  for  its  uncommonly  complicated  notices 
may  without  difficulty  be  reconciled  with 
those  derived  from  the  Pauline  epistles.  The 
memory  of  those  intricate  routes  could  scarcely 
have  been  preserved  by  oral  tradition,  and  the 
uselessness  of  these  records  for  the  purpose  of 
our  author  supports  the  assumption  that  it  was 
only  reverence  for  an  unique  document  dating 

from  the  time   of  St    Paul   that  caused    him    to 

incorporate  them  in  his  work.  With  more  or 
less  certainty  in  detail  we  may  still  disentangle 


2\o    Early  Christian  Literature 

this  original  document  from  the  accretions  of 
oral  tradition.  It  first  appears  probably  at 
xi.  19,  certainly  at  xiii.  1,  and  continues  until 
the  arrival  in  Rome  (xxviii.  16).  As  an 
example  of  the  result  of  our  analysis  and  of 
the  character  of  this  document  we  here  give 
word  for  word  its  commencement — found  in 
xi.  18-26;  xiii.  1,  4-6,  13/,  51  ;  xiv.  1,  6  /., 
21,  24-28  ;  xv.  36-41  :— 

"  The  Christians  that  were  scattered  abroad 
travelled  as  far  as  Phoenicia,  Cyprus,  and 
Antioch,  speaking  the  word  to  none  save  only 
to  Jews.  But  there  were  some  of  them  men 
of  Cyprus  and  Cyrene,  who  when  they  were 
come  to  Antioch  spake  unto  the  Greeks  also. 
Then  was  Barnabas  also  sent  from  Jerusalem 
to  Antioch,  and  he  went  forth  to  Tarsus  to 
fetch  Saul  and  he  brought  him  to  Antioch. 
In  this  place  the  disciples  were  first  called 
Christians.  Now  there  were  in  the  church  that 
was  there  prophets  and  teachers — Barnabas, 
and  Symeon  that  was  called  Niger,  and  Lucius 
of  Cyrene,  and  Manaen  the  foster-brother  of 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   241 

Herod  the  Tetrarch,  and  Saul.  And  as  they 
ministered  to  the  Lord  the  Holy  Ghost  said, 
'  Separate  me  Barnabas  and  Saul  for  the  work 
whereunto  I  have  called  them.'  And  so  being 
sent  forth  by  the  Holy  Ghost  they  went  down 
to  Seleucia  and  from  thence  sailed  to  Cyprus  ; 
and  they  had  John  as  their  attendant.  And 
when  they  had  gone  through  the  whole  island 
unto  Paphos  the}'  came  to  Perga  in  Pamphylia  ; 
and  John  departed  from  them  and  returned  to 
Jerusalem.  But  they,  passing  through  from 
Perga,  came  to  Antioch  of  Pisidia  and  went  on 
to  Iconium  and  to  the  cities  of  Lycaonia, 
Lystra,  and  Derbe,  and  the  region  round  about. 
And  when  they  had  made  many  disciples  they 
returned  to  Lystra  and  Iconiinn  and  Antioch. 
And  they  passed  through  Pisidia  and  came 
to  Pamphylia  ;  and  when  they  had  preached 
the  word  in  Perga  they  went  down  to  Attalia 
and  thence  sailed  to  Antioch ;  and  they 
tarried  no  little  time  in  Antioch.  Bui  alter 
some  days  Paul  said  unto  Barnabas,  'Let  us 
return   now  and  visit  the  brethren  and  see  how 

10 


2\2    Early   Christian   Literature 

they  fare.'  And  Barnabas  was  minded  to  take 
with  them  John  also  who  was  called  Mark. 
But  Paul  thought  not  good  to  take  with  them 
him  who  withdrew  from  them  from  Pamphylia 
and  went  not  with  them  to  the  work.  And 
there  arose  a  sharp  contention,  so  that  they 
parted  asunder  from  one  another;  and  Barnabas 
took  Mark  and  sailed  away  unto  Cyprus.  But 
Paul  chose  Silas,  and  went  through  Syria  and 
Cilicia  and  came  to  Derbe  and  Lystra." 

The  question  whether  all  these  notices  really 
stood  in  the  hypothetical  document  must 
remain  undiscussed.  In  the  following  parts 
of  the  book  it  is  possible  to  arrive  at  a  more 
certain  conclusion.  We  may  fairly  assign  to 
this  source  most  of  what  is  contained  in  xvi. 
1-3,  6-18  ;  xvii.  1-15  (in  part),  34  ;  xviii.  1-3, 
5,  7-11,  18-19«,  216-23;  xix.  1,  8-10a,  21/; 
xx.  1-16;  xxi.  1-18;  xxvii.  1-xxviii.  16. 

This  record  of  St  Paul's  missionary  journeys, 
which  has  been  preserved  to  us  because  it  has 
been  incorporated  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles, 
is    concerned    only    with    places,     with     the 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature    243 

travellers,  and  with  chronological  dates.  Its 
style  is  dry  and  monotonous,  and  its  vocabulary 
is  meagre.  We  might  even  conjecture  that 
one  who  occasionally  accompanied  St  Paul  in 
his  travels  made  this  compilation  in  order  that 
it  might  be  produced  as  evidence  at  the 
Apostle's  trial.  Hut  this  supposition  is  un- 
necessary, and,  moreover,  would  not  account 
for  passages  such  as  xvi.  16-18,  xx.  7-12, 
and  indeed  the  whole  description  of  the  voyage 
to  Home  in  xxvii. /!  We  know  that  it  was 
customary  with  distinguished  travellers,  princes, 
and  generals  of  the  ancient  Hellenic  world  to 
have  short  diaries  kept  by  some  companion  as 
a  support  lor  the  memory  wherein  the  stations 
of  the  route  and,  perhaps,  here  and  there 
notable    experiences    were  cursorily  set  down. 

For  instance,  according  Lo  the  opinion  of 
Herman  Diels,  the  Anabasis  of  Kenophon  is 
founded  upon  a  diary  of  this  description,  which 
Xenophon  himself  developed  into  an  historical 

work,  inserting  I  herein   all    kinds  of  narratives 
and  speeches. 


244    Early  Christian   Literature 

While  therefore  this  diary  forms  an 
historical  authority  of  the  highest  rank  for 
the  time  of  St  Paul — one  that  is  indeed  equal 
in  value  to  his  own  epistles — the  trustworthi- 
ness of  the  traditions  proceeding  from  different 
churches,  which  the  author  of  the  Acts  has 
interwoven  with  his  source,  cannot  be  so 
surely  established.  Legend  has  played  its 
part  in  their  adornment ;  and  it  is  indeed 
difficult,  often  impossible,  to  trace  the 
historical  fact  which  underlies  the  transfor- 
mation it  has  experienced  in  course  of 
tradition,  more  especially  as  this  tradition 
has  seriously  modified  and  even  omitted 
essential  points.  When  similar  events  repeat 
themselves  in  the  narrative,  and  this  is  a 
phenomenon  of  remarkably  frequent  occur- 
rence, the  doubt  arises  whether  such  repetition 
accords  with  reality.  The  speeches  which  are 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  St  Paul  are,  of  course, 
as  with  all  writers  of  antiquity,  the  composition 
of  the  author  himself.  This  conclusion  is 
suggested  by  the  fact,  which  we  have  already 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   245 

noticed,  that  there  are  three  of  these  speeches — 
one  to  the  Jews  (chap,  xiii.),  one  to  the  Greeks 
(chap.  xvii. ),  and  one  to  the  Christians  (chap. 
xx.) — and  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  they 
have  no  relationship  in  form  or  content  with 
the  epistles  of  St  Paul,  but  rather  represent 
him  speaking  essentially  the  same  thoughts, 
in  the  same  language,  and  indeed  in  the  same 
rhetorical  form  as  St  Peter  and  St  Stephen  in 
the  first  part  of  the  Acts. 

The  records  concerning  the  beginnings  of 
Christianity  in  Palestine  (i.  1-xi.  18,  xi.  27- 
xii.  25)  as  well  as  the  account  of  the  Apostolic 
Council  (xv.  ]-ll~))  have  been  thoroughly 
examined  with  a  view  to  the  discovery  of 
written  sources,  but  with  no  success.  The 
construction  of  the  first  part  (chaps,  i.  viii.), 
which  we  have  already  described,  absolutely 
excludes  the  hypothesis  that  here  an  original 
document  has  been  worked  over,  though  it 
does  not  prevent  our  assuming  that  the  author 
has  made  use  of  various  traditions.  But  also 
in   viii.  1    10,  ix.  1    :*(>,  ix.  81    xi.  18,  xii.   4  24, 


246    Early   Christian   Literature 

the  substance,  and  above  all  the  form  of  the 
narrative,  only  permit  us  to  trace  it  back  to 
traditions  which  gathered  round  three  great 
personalities  and  were  passed  from  mouth  to 
mouth  until  they  were  first  written  down  by 
the  author  of  the  Acts.  Here,  no  doubt, 
historical  reminiscences  lie  in  the  background, 
but  it  is  scarcely  possible  to  determine  to  what 
extent  they  have  been  embellished  by  legend  ; 
nor  is  it  possible  to  decide  whether  the  author 
himself  or  oral  tradition  before  him  is  respon- 
sible for  the  fact  that  the  same  occurrences 
seem  often  to  be  employed  as  the  basis  of 
different  tales.  It  is  not  without  interest  to 
notice  how  much  deeper  in  thought  and  more 
poetic  in  feeling,  how  much  grander  in  plan, 
richer  in  motive,  and  varied  in  scenery  are 
the  legends  of  the  Gospel  which  cling  to  the 
person  of  our  Lord  than  all  the  traditions  of 
the  Acts  connected  with  leading  personalities 
of  the  first  generation  of  Christians,  while 
many  of  the  latter  traditions  are  dependent 
upon  stories  in  the  Gospel.     And  yet  in  spite 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   247 

of  all  reservations,  and  with  proper  caution  in 
trusting  to  details,  these  traditions  do  give  us 
enough  information  upon  the  most  important 
questions   of  the  external  history  of  the  first 
beginnings    of    Christianity   to   enable   us   to 
understand  these  beginnings   in   their   proper 
connection.     Without  the  Acts,  all  the  events 
which  led  to  the  origin  of  the  Christian  Church 
would   lie  for  us  in  impenetrable  darkness  so 
far    as    they  are  not  illuminated  by  St   Paul. 
This    work    has    accordingly    a    value,    which 
nothing    can   replace,   as  an  authority  for  the 
times  it  deals  with.      Indeed,  considering  the 
importance  of   Christianity  in    the    history  of 
the  world,  and   the   necessity  that    its    begin- 
nings  must   be   known    before   we   can    fully 
understand    its   real   character,  our  book  is  an 
authority    of   the    very    first  rank,  concerning 
which    the   whole   world   would   be   speaking, 
had  it  only  been   discovered    for  the   first    lime 
in  these  days. 

As  in  the  Gospel  so  also  in  this   second    part 
of  his  work  the  author  proves  himself  to  be  a 


24-tf    Early  Christian   Literature 

skilful  writer,  an  industrious  compiler,  a  sure 
master  of  the  varied  material  he  has  collected, 
a  clever  narrator  with  feeling  for  tone  and 
colour  (cf.  xvi.  25-40,  xix.  23-40,  xx.  36-38, 
xxi.  10-14,  xxv.  23-xxvi.  1).  He  is  also  a 
man  of  grand  ideals  in  the  treatment  of  history 
and  of  exact  reverence  for  the  authorities  that 
lay  before  him.  The  two  books,  the  Gospel 
and  the  Acts,  may  have  taken  the  name  of 
Luke  from  the  author  of  part  of  the  second 
work,  just  in  the  same  way  as  the  two  other 
gospels  have  taken  the  name  of  St  Mark  and 
St  Matthew.  St  Luke,  the  occasional  com- 
panion of  St  Paul  (Col.  iv.  14;  Philem.  24; 
2  Tim.  iv.  11),  may  wrell  have  been  the  author 
of  the  travel-diary  which  has  been  worked 
up  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 

2.  The  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews. 

This  book  of  the  New  Testament,  which,  as 
far  backwards  as  we  can  trace  it,  has  always 
been  called  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  is  a 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature    249 

document  of  the  highest  importance  in  the 
history  of  Christian  thought.  It  marks  the 
definite  entrance  of  Alexandrianism  into  the 
sphere  of  Christianity.  By  Alexandrianism 
we  mean  that  strange  amalgamation  of  Jewish 
religion  and  Greek  philosophy  which  was 
gradually  brought  about  chiefly  in  Alexandria 
during  the  last  century  before  Christ,  and  at 
the  time  of  St  Paul  was  consummated  in  the 
teaching  of  the  famous  Jewish  philosopher 
Philo  of  Alexandria.  Even  St  Paul  betrays 
his  sympathy  with  this  peculiar  school  of 
thought,  but  he  does  not  stand  under  its 
dominating  influence:  he  only  adopts  certain 
of  its  ideas  and  works  them  into  his  own 
theological  scheme  which  had  taken  form  in 
the  schools  of  Tarsus  and  Jerusalem.  Our 
author,  however,  has  evidently  grown  up  in 
the  atmosphere  of  this  Alexandrian  school; 
at  least  lie  lives  in  it  and  is  conversant  with 
all  its  artifices.  We  may  say  with  a  Gair 
amount  of  certainty  that  lie  has  read  writings 
of   Philo;    at  all  events  he   uses   many  terms 


250    Early  Christian  Literature 

and  expressions  that  were  employed   by  that 
philosopher,  some  of  which  were  indeed  first 
coined    by    him.       By    this    introduction    of 
Alexandrianism  into  the  sphere   of  Christian 
thought  there  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  the 
Christians  a  scientific  method  which,  in  con- 
trast to  the  Rabbinic  method  of  St  Paul,  was 
in  close  relationship  with  the  Greek  mind  and 
afforded    it   the    necessary   means    of    under 
standing    Christianity   or   of    accommodating 
Christianity  to  itself.     We  may  therefore   at 
once  conclude  that  the  author  of  our  book  was 
a  man  educated  in  the  culture  of  those  days. 
This  is  also  shown  by  his  masterly  handling  of 
the  Greek  literary  language  of  his  time :    he 
has  command  of  a  multitude   of  expressions 
that  were  alien  to  everyday  life,  and  of  all  the 
delicate  shades  of  meaning  of  which  this  rich 
language  was  capable.     Above  all,  he   shows 
by  his  arrangement  that  he  is  master  of  the 
rhetoric    of    his   times.     The    Epistle   to    the 
Hebrews,    in   far   greater   measure    than    the 
Pauline   epistles,   is  constructed   according  to 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   251 

the  rules  of  the  Schools.  He  also  sacrifices  to 
the  taste  of  the  times  in  the  circumstantiality 
and  undeniable  prolixity  of  his  work,  which 
hinder  the  view  of  the  whole  and  stand  in 
sharp  contrast  to  St  Paul's  method  of  going 
at  once  to  the  heart  of  the  matter  and  remain- 
ing in  close  touch  with  it. 

The  most  distinct  line  of  division  in  this 
book  occurs  after  x.  31,  where  the  significant 
concluding  phrase  is  combined  with  a  distinct 
change  of  tone  in  verse  32.  In  place  of 
"  we,"  which  has  up  to  this  time  prevailed 
(ii.  1-3;  iv.  1  11,  14-16;  vi.  19/.;  x.  22/.'), 
"ye"  now  appears  (x.  32  3(1,  xii.  3-17,  xiii. 
1-19).  Before  this  the  pronoun  of  the  second 
person  has  only  occurred  in  the  section  vi. 
!>  12.  for  the  address  in  the  second  person  in 
iii.  1,  vii.  4,  iii.  12  /!,  v.  11  f.  is  due  only  to 
the  immediate  context.  Also  the  thought  of 
sacrifice  and  of  the  high-priesthood  which 
dominates  the  first  part  of  the  epistle  now 
falls  completely  into  the  background,  though 
it    also    appeals    incidentally   in    xii.    24  ;    xiii. 


2 $2    Early   Christian   Literature 

11/!,  20.  The  nucleus  of  the  first  chief  division 
of  the  epistle,  extending  to  x.  31,  is  without 
doubt  found  in  the  section  vii.  1-x.  18,  which 
might  well  receive  the  superscription : — Jesus 
the  true  High  Priest.  This  theme  is  set  in 
the  framework  of  a  declaration  that  this  Jesus 
has  entered  as  High  Priest  into  the  Heavenly 
Sanctuary  (vi.  19  /!,  x.  19-21),  and  is  no 
doubt  treated  at  such  length  because  of  the 
supreme  import  of  this  belief  in  the  mind  of 
the  writer ;  for  the  passionate  energy  and  sur- 
passing emphasis  of  the  following  warning 
(x.  22-31)  to  hold  fast  the  confession  of  the 
hope  founded  upon  this  fact  shows  that  the 
thought  of  the  writer  here  reaches  the  desired 
climax.  But  the  theme  of  vi.  19/  and  x. 
19-21  has  already  appeared  in  v.  10,  and  what 
lies  between  v.  10  and  vi.  19  f.  is  only  intended 
to  awaken  interest  in  its  importance — quite  in 
accordance  with  the  method  of  contemporary 
rhetoric.  This  same  theme,  however,  appears 
still  earlier  at  iv.  14,  also  combined  with  a  very 
concise  summary  of  the  warning  of  x.  22-31 — 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   253 

"  let  us  hold  fast  our  confession."  Again,  what 
lies  between  iv.  14  and  v.  10  only  aims,  in  a 
more  general  way  than  that  of  vii.  1-x.  18,  at 
bringing  into  clear  view  the  importance  of  the 
theme  that  Christians  have  a  high-priest  in 
Jesus.  From  this  it  becomes  clear  that  iv. 
14— x.  31  is  a  single  closely-connected  whole, 
and  that  the  real  object  of  all  the  argument 
in  this  part  of  the  letter  is  to  confirm  from  all 
sides  the  warning  indicated  in  iv.  14  and 
developed  in  x.  19-31.  First  the  theme  is 
given,  followed  by  its  detailed  presentation  and 
proof,  in  iv.  15-v.  9  ;  then  interest  in  the  theme 
is  awakened  (v.  10— vi.  20) ;  and  finally  we  have 
a  discussion  of  its  significance  (vii.  1-x.  18) 
from  the  side  of  the  Personality  of  the  High 
Priest  (vii.  1-28)  and  from  the  side  of  His 
ministry  (viii.  1  x.  18).  Accordingly,  all  that 
comes  before  iv.  14  must  be  of  the  nature  of 
an  introduction — as,  indeed,  vvc  may  clearly 
recognise  for  ourselves.     The  discourse  begins 

with  an  appreciation,  expressed    in    the   highest 
conceivable  terms,  of  the  unique  nature  of  this 


254    Early  Christian   Literature 

High  Priest  (i.  1-3),  illustrated  by  a  com- 
parison of  His  rank  with  that  of  the  angels 
(i.  1-14) — a  train  of  thought  which  possesses  an 
analogy  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians.  The 
object  of  this  discussion  is  shown  in  the  appli- 
cation (ii.  1-4),  connecting  closely  with  i.  1-3, 
that  because  of  the  unique  superiority  of  this 
sublime  Being  far  above  all  angels  it  is 
necessary  not  to  neglect  the  salvation  brought 
about  by  Him.  Then,  after  it  has  been  shown 
that  this  supreme  Personality,  whose  human 
name  is  now  first  given  (ii.  9),  has  wrought  this 
Salvation  by  means  of  His  deepest  humiliation 
in  the  suffering  of  death  (ii.  5-18),  the  warning 
of  ii.  1-4  is  yet  again  administered  in  a  more 
detailed  and  impressive  fashion  by  the  employ- 
ment of  edifying  narratives  from  the  Old 
Testament  (iii.  1-iv.  13).  Here  in  iii.  6  we 
already  have  a  foretaste  of  the  warning  of 
iv.  14  and  x.  19-31.  To  this  faultlessly  con- 
structed introduction  now  corresponds  the 
second  chief  division  of  the  epistle  beginning 
with  x.  32.     Here  for  the  first  time  the  situa- 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   255 

tion  of  the  readers  is  clearly  described,  and  it 
is  in  the  first  place  shown  that  they  can  only 
fulfil  the  demand,  with  which  the  first  part  of 
the  epistle  culminates,  through  patience  based 
upon  trustful  faith  (x.  32-39).     After  a  long 
list  of  types  of  this  faith,  which  endures  in  the 
midst   of  suffering,  has    been    collected   from 
the  Old  Testament  (xi.  1-40),  the  warning  of 
x.  35-39,  which  has  been  thus  fortified,  is  now 
emphatically  repeated    in    xii.    1-3.      Then   a 
sympathetic  appreciation  of  the  sufferings  of 
the  Christians  (xii.  4-11),  already  depicted  in 
x.  32  84,  which    is    closely  connected  with  a 
quotation    from    the    Old    Testament   and    is 
addressed  to  the  hearts  of  the  readers,  again 
leads  up  to  the  same  warning  now  developed 
with    most    striking  imagery  ( xii.    12-17);  and 
finally,  the  eternal  destruction  which  threatens 
apostacy  is  contrasted   in  a  brilliant  piece  of 
rhetoric    with     the    glorious    calling    and    still 
more  glorious  future  of  the  faithful  (xii.  is  29). 

It  is  evident   thai   the  real  object  of  the   epistle 
has    now    hem    attained.       As    with    St    Paul, 


256    Early   Christian   Literature 

there  still  follow  a  number  of  separate  exhorta- 
tions that  fall  outside  the  main  scope  of  the 
argument  and  refer  to  particular  conditions  of 
the  communities  (xiii.  1-19).  Then  the  dis- 
course closes  with  a  solemn  blessing,  again 
reminding  us  of  the  manner  of  St  Paul 
(xiii.  20/). 

Then  as  an  epilogue  there  follow  a  few 
verses  of  a  purely  personal  character.  The 
brethren  are  besought  to  take  to  heart  this 
short  epistle  of  exhortation  (xiii.  22).  They 
are  informed  that  Timotheus  is  set  at  liberty. 
The  writer  hopes  with  him  shortly  to  visit  his 
readers  (xiii.  23).  Then  come  greetings  to  the 
readers  and  their  leaders,  and  greetings  from 
those  of  Italy  (24/).  The  epistle,  like  the 
Pauline  epistles,  now  closes  with  a  short 
sentence  of  blessing. 

If  we  omit  the  last  chapter,  our  analysis  of 
the  construction  of  the  epistle  shows  that  it 
bears  the  character  of  a  written  discourse 
rather  than  of  a  real  letter.  It  has  a  practical 
aim,  the  confirming  of  the  hearers  in  holding 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   257 

fast  to  Christianity.  It  is  addressed  to  all 
without  exception ;  the  author  never  turns  to 
a  part  only  of  his  audience,  nor  does  he  speak 
of  schism  or  faction  among  them.  It  can 
moreover  be  plainly  seen  why  this  exhortation 
is  needed.  The  readers  are  suffering  persecu- 
tion (x.  32-34,  xii.  1-4,  xiii.  1-7).  Some  of 
them  are  in  prison  and  evil  entreated,  and 
they  are  exhorted  to  remember  them  (xiii.  3) ; 
some  of  their  leaders  had  even  become 
martyrs  (xiii.  7).  They  were  as  it  were  in  a 
state  of  chastisement  wherein  comfort  was 
alone  to  be  found  in  the  certainty  that  "whom 
the  Lord  loveth  He  chasteneth  "  (xii.  4-11); 
indeed,  in  their  suffering  they  were  in  fellow- 
ship with  Jesus  Himself  (xii.  2).  This  hard 
case  of  theirs  involved  them  in  temptations 
again  similar  to  those  which  assaulted  Jesus 
in  His  trials  (ii.  18,  iv.  15).  Where  men  are 
compassed  with  infirmity  (iv.  15)  there  is 
danger  of  slackness  (xii.  .'},  \'2  /'.  :  vi.  1  if.).  The 
readers  have  need  that  their  heart  be  established 

(xiii.  9),  that  God  perfect  them  in  every  good 

17 


2$$    Early  Christian   Literature 

work  (xiii.  21),  that  they  hold  fast  the 
beginning  of  their  confidence  even  to  the  end 
(iii.  14),  so  that  they  may  not  fall  away  from 
the  living  God  (iii.  12),  may  not  sin  wilfully 
(x.  26),  may  not  be  defiled  as  Esau  (xii.  15^'.), 
or  become  like  unto  the  idolatrous  generation 
in  the  wilderness  (iii.  7  ff\).  Therefore  they 
must  beware  lest  any  root  of  bitterness  spring 
up  among  them  (xii.  15),  lest  any  evil  heart 
of  unbelief,  any  disobedience  (iii.  12, 18  ;  iv.  11), 
harden  them  through  the  deceitfulness  of  sin 
(iii.  13) ;  they  must  lay  aside  all  ambition  and 
the  sin  which  so  easily  besets  them  and  must 
persevere  in  the  conflict  appointed  them  (xii. 
1 ) ;  they  must,  as  is  again  and  again  repeated 
in  varied  form,  hold  fast  their  boldness  and 
confidence  even  to  the  end  (iii.  6),  take  hold 
of  the  confession  (iv.  14;  vi.  11,  17,  18;  x.  19, 
22,  23).  The  reverse  side  of  the  picture  is 
likewise  given  in  varied  phrase.  It  consists 
in  their  apostacy  from  the  living  God  (iii.  12  ; 
cf.  xii.  25),  in  neglecting  the  Salvation  wrought 
for   them   so   that   they   drift   away    from    it 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   259 

(ii.  3,  1),  in  coming  short  of  the  Sabbath  rest 
prepared  for  them  (iv.  1),  in  falling  back  from 
the  grace  of  God  (xii.  15),  in  casting  away 
their  boldness  which  has  yet  so  great  recom- 
pense (x.  35).  In  all  these  things,  so  says  the 
author,  they  crucify  the  Son  of  God  afresh 
and  put  Him  to  an  open  shame ;  they  even 
trample  Him  under  their  feet,  count  the  Blood 
of  the  New  Covenant  an  unholy  thing,  and  do 
despite  to  the  Spirit  of  Grace  (x.  29). 

If,  as  was  generally  supposed  in  former 
days,  this  epistle  was  addressed  to  men  who 
were  tempted  to  pass  over  or  revert  to  Judaism, 
the  expressions  used  above  would  be  quite 
unintelligible,  one  might  even  say  perversely 
chosen.  They  can  indeed  only  be  understood 
on  the  supposition  that  apostacy  to  heathenism 
was  in  the  author's  mind.  Even  the  central 
thought  of  those  discussions  which  lend  force  to 
the  reiterated  warning,  namely  the  demonstra- 
tion of  the  High-priesthood  of  Jesus,  never 
enters  into  conflict  with  Jewish  ordinances  or 
religious    ideas.     On    the   contrary,  these    are 


260    Early  Christian   Literature 

accepted  and  used  as  premisses  in  the  author's 
trains  of  argument  (i.  If.,  ii.  2f.  iii.  2-6);  indeed, 
the  whole  force  of  his  conclusions  is  made  to 
rest  upon  their  importance.  Not,  as  with  St 
Paul,  do  the  Old  and  New  Covenant  stand 
here  in  opposition  to  one  another :  the  latter  is 
rather  the  fulfilment  of  the  former.  Of  course 
with  our  author  the  Old  Covenant  does  not 
signify,  as  with  the  Pharisee  St  Paul,  the  Law 
which  regulates  and  formalises  the  private  life, 
but  rather  the  ceremonial  ordinances  of  sacrifice 
and  of  the  priesthood.  And  just  because  these 
are  all  so  grand,  so  full  of  meaning,  so  divine, 
therefore  the  Christian  conception  of  their 
fulfilment  is  the  more  worthy  of  acceptation. 
None  of  these  trains  of  thought  was  of  a 
character  to  warn  men  away  from  Judaism. 

The  author  of  this  hortatory  epistle  shows 
himself  a  man  of  high  note  and  a  skilful 
writer.  He  is  a  theologian  by  profession,  of 
the  school  of  Alexandria,  a  cultivated  orator 
and  an  artist  in  language.  He  knows  the  Old 
Testament  but  only  in  the  Greek  translation, 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   261 

whose  mistakes  he  slavishly  follows  without 
showing  a  trace  of  any  perplexity  which  would 
have  been  caused  by  his  knowledge  of  the 
Hebrew  text.  He  seems  to  have  kept  his 
Greek  text  before  him :  at  all  events  his 
quotations  are  very  correct.  He  is  however 
devoted  to  the  classical,  allegorical  method  of 
Alexandria,  and  by  this  means  gives  a  new 
interpretation  to  the  sacred  scriptures  of  his 
nation.  All  things  of  the  Old  Testament  are 
of  importance  to  him — with  these  he  concerns 
himself,  not  with  the  phenomena  of  the 
present ;  the  Tabernacle,  the  Veil,  the  Camp, 
the  Sacrifices,  the  High  Priest,  the  Sabbath 
are  all  for  him  only  passing  shadows,  prophetic 
types  of  heavenly  realities  (viii.  5,  ix.  24,  x.  1). 
Christianity  has  first  brought  these  realities 
within  mens  reach.  The  Christians  are  the 
true  people  of  God  (iv.  0),  the  seed  of 
Abraham  (ii.  16),  the  house  of  God  (x.  21). 
Even  now,  however,  final  perfection  lies  in 
Heaven  (xii.  22-20,  iv.  0-11,  xiii.  14). 

But     this    Christian     Alexandrian     is    not, 


262    Early   Christian  Literature 

like  his  brother  philosophers  of  Alexandria, 
interested  in  fantastic  theological  speculations 
as  such.  They  have  value  for  him  only  in  so 
far  as  they  can  confirm  his  own  personal 
religion  and  can  support  and  explain  his  own 
experience  as  a  Christian  believer.  He  is 
through  and  through  a  man  of  religion  and 
not  of  theology.  And  yet  his  religion  is 
somewhat  deficient  in  that  inward  depth  of 
feeling,  energy  of  character,  and  creative 
power  which  have  made  St  Paul  a  hero  of 
Christianity  in  spite  of  his  Rabbinism.  He 
ever  continues  in  the  sphere  of  discussions,  of 
analogies,  of  exhortations,  and  of  syllogisms. 
We  -scarcely  ever  discover  in  him  the  full 
heart-throb  of  simple  and  direct  religious 
feeling ;  moreover  he  stands  in  no  personal 
relation  to  the  person  of  Christ.  His  Christ 
is  the  ascended  High  Priest  who  fulfils  His 
exalted  office  within  the  eternal  Tabernacle 
of  Heaven,  behind  the  veil  which  still  ever 
separates  the  Holy  Place  from  the  Holy  of 
Holies — who    has    gained    admission    thither 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   263 

by  His  blood,  by  the  offering  of  which  He  has 
wrought  redemption  for  them  that  believe — 
who  now  stands  before  God  as  the  eternal 
mediator,  who  ever  intercedes  for  the  people 
of  God.  It  is  only  the  historical  result  of  the 
life  and  work  of  St  Paul  that  is,  as  a  matter  of 
course,  presupposed  in  this  epistle.  Christianity 
with  our  author  is  free  from  all  subjection  to  the 
Mosaic  Law,  whose  ordinances  become  simply 
prophetic  types  which  are  abolished  in  their 
fulfilment.  Pauline  theology  is  quite  alien 
to  his  mind :  he  indeed  had  never  passed 
through  a  Rabbinic  school.  The  terms  which 
St  Paul  had  coined  to  express  the  fundamental 
conceptions  of  his  Christian  belief  are  not  once 
used  by  him ;  he  speaks  his  own  language.  His 
thoughts  can  be  more  easily  grasped,  and 
they  develop  more  smoothly  than  those  of 
the  great  Apostle,  but  they  are  also  less 
deep  and  less  powerful  The  comparison  is, 
however,  unfair  to  him.  When  he  is  not 
measured  by  the  standard  of  that  giant 
champion  of  the  faith  he  shows  himself  to  be 


264    Early  Christian   Literature 

a  man  of  deep  sincerity  and  of  great  breadth 
and  richness  of  soul.  He  has  laid  an  essential 
part  of  the  foundation  of  the  Catholic  Church 
of  the  future.  She  needed  only  to  substitute 
for  the  Heavenly  High  Priest  an  earthly  re- 
presentative— the  Pope  ;  and  for  His  heavenly 
offering  an  earthly  repetition  of  the  same — 
the  Mass. 

This  exhausts  all  the  exact  information  we 
possess  concerning  the  personality  of  our  author, 
but  he  himself  throws  some  little  light  upon 
the  circumstances  of  his  life.  He  once  belonged 
to  the  circle  of  readers  he  addresses  (xiii.  19), 
but  at  the  time  of  writing  he  is  living  elsewhere, 
separated  from  them  doubtless  by  force — i.e.  by 
banishment  (xiii.  23) — evidently  in  a  place  out- 
side Italy  where  there  were  no  native  Christians 
but  only  some  from  Italy  who  are  associated 
with  him  and  now  join  in  his  greeting  to  the 
readers  (xiii.  24).  Vet  he  hopes  soon  to  be 
restored  to  his  own  people,  a  contingency  which 
had  already  been  rendered  possible  in  the  case 
of  Timotheus  (xiii.  23). 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   265 

It  is  vain  and  indeed  futile  to  attempt  to 
assign  to  our  author  one  of  the  names  known 
to  us  from  the  Xew  Testament.  In  fact  we 
know  much  less  of  the  bearers  of  these  names 
than  of  the  character  of  the  author  of  this 
epistle ;  at  all  events  the  claims  of  the  author 
of  the  Acts,  or  of  the  writer  of  that  epistle  from 
the  Roman  to  the  Corinthian  Church  which  has 
come  down  to  us  bearing  the  name  of  Clement 
of  Rome,  cannot  be  seriously  considered.  In 
spite  of  a  near  relationship  which  may  be 
explained  from  proximity  of  date  or  even  from 
direct  dependence  one  upon  the  other,  the 
difference  in  style  and  ideas  is  in  each  case  much 
too  great  to  favour  the  hypothesis  of  common 
authorship.  Silas,  who  has  been  suggested  by 
some,  and  likewise  Barnabas,  whom  Tcrtullian 
names,  could  not  well  have  written  our  epistle, 
for  the  former  as  a  native  of  Jerusalem  (Acts 
xv.  22)  and  the  latter  as  a  Levite  (Acts  iv.  30) 
must  have  been  better  informed  concerning  the 
arrangements  of  the  Temple  than  our  author 
shows  himself;  and  besides,  neither  of  them 


266    Early   Christian  Literature 

could  scarcely  reckon  himself  a  man  of  the 
second  generation  as  does  our  author  (ii.  3). 
Again,  although  no  serious  objection  can  be 
alleged  against  Luther's  suggestion  of  Apollos, 
who  was  baptised  at  a  late  period  in  Ephesus 
(Acts  xviii.  24/! ),  it  is  just  as  impossible  to  bring 
forward  a  conclusive  proof  in  its  favour ;  for 
even  among  Christians  of  the  second  generation 
many  besides  Apollos  could  well  have  belonged 
to  the  Alexandrian  school. 

But  where  may  we  look  for  the  first  readers 
of  the  epistle  ?  The  idea  that  they  were 
Christian  Hebrews,  that  is  Jewish  Christians, 
as  the  title  already  borne  by  the  epistle  in  the 
second  century  presupposes,  is  excluded  by  a 
correct  appreciation  of  the  epistle  itself.  Such 
a  conclusion  could  only  have  been  drawn  at  a 
time  when  clear  insight  into  the  conditions 
of  primitive  Christianity  had  been  lost.  The 
Old  Testament  was  as  much  an  authority  for 
Christians  as  for  Jews.  Christians  believed  that 
all  its  ordinances  were  only  prophetic  of  that 
which  had  become  truth  in  Christianity ;  and 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   267 

the  method  of  allegorical  interpretation  with- 
out which  this  Christian  position  could  not  be 
established,  was  as  common  among  the  Greeks, 
who  first  employed  it  in  the  interpretation  of 
Homer  and  Hesiod,  as  it  was  with  the  Jews, 
who  indeed  probably  borrowed  it  from  the 
Greeks.  Besides,  St  Paul  had  already  declared 
that  Christians  were  the  true  children  and 
heirs  of  Abraham  and  the  Temple  of  God.  It 
was  only  a  small  step  further  to  describe  them 
as  those  serving  God  in  the  Tabernacle,  that 
is,  in  the  tent  of  this  earthly  universe,  when 
heaven  had  once  come  to  be  regarded  as  the 
Holy  of  Holies  lying  behind  the  veil.  Such 
expressions,  accordingly,  do  not  justify  us  in 
assuming  that  the  readers  must  have  been 
Jews  by  birth.  Their  acquaintance  with  the 
Temple  and  the  sacrifices  is  no  more  pre- 
supposed in  this  epistle  than  in  St  Paul's 
epistles  to  the  Corinthians :  our  author 
even  thinks  it  necessary  to  give  all  kinds 
of  explanations  which  would  have  been  quite 
superfluous  for  Jews  (e.g.   ix.    1    10).      Indeed, 


268    Early  Christian  Literature 

ordinances  which  are  doubtless  of  Jewish 
origin  are  described  as  foreign  to  the  readers 
(xiii.  9).  Finally,  the  section  xiii.  9-13  has 
nothing  at  all  to  do  with  the  ritual  of  the 
Temple ;  if  this  were  in  the  author's  mind,  he 
has  been  awkward  enough  in  his  choice  of 
language.  The  camp  out  of  which  the  Chris- 
tians are  to  allow  themselves  to  be  driven, 
bearing  in  patience  their  Master's  reproach 
because  they  have  no  abiding  city  here  below 
and  seek  one  that  is  to  come,  in  the  allegorical 
language  of  the  epistle,  represents  this  world  ; 
and  beneath  the  imagery  there  lies  the  thought 
of  threatening  perils  of  persecution  (x.  32-34) 
to  which  many  of  their  leaders  had  already 
fallen  victims  (xiii.  7).  Purely  Jewish  Christian 
communities  are  only  to  be  supposed  in  Jeru- 
salem ;  but  every  word  of  the  section  v.  11- 
vi.  3,  wherein  the  condition  of  the  readers  is 
fairly  clearly  described,  speaks  against  Jeru- 
salem. From  the  Christians  of  Jerusalem  had 
sprung  the  teachers  of  Christendom.  They 
least   of  all    could    be   described    offhand   as 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   269 

without  experience  of  the  word  of  righteous- 
ness— at  all  events  such   language   would   be 
open  to  misunderstanding ;   with   them   faith 
in   God,   washings    and   layings-on   of  hands, 
the   resurrection   from   the   dead  and   eternal 
judgment,    were    from     childhood     elements 
of  their    personal   religion.      And   while   the 
readers  are    praised  (vi.  10)  in  that  they  had 
ministered  unto  the  saints  and  still  ministered, 
the  contrary  statement  would  exactly  suit  the 
case  of  the  Church  of  Jerusalem.     Again,  to 
no  other  Church  could  be  applied  less  suitably 
the  words  (ii.  3)  that  "the  Salvation  having 
at  the  first  been  spoken  through  the  Lord  was 
confirmed  unto  us  by  them  that  heard."     On 
the    contrary,    the    readers   were    Gentiles   in 
danger  of  falling  back  into  heathenism  rather 
than  into  Judaism  under  stress  of  persecution. 
We  can  scarcely  imagine  them  as  living  else- 
where than  in  Koine,  where  Clement  of  Home 
shortly    afterwards   makes  considerable  use  of 
the   epistle,  where   alone  it  was   remembered 
that  the    epistle  was  not.  written   by  St  Paul, 


270    Early   Christian   Literature 

whither,  moreover,  Italians  (xiii.  24)  would 
naturally  send  greetings.  The  words  of  ii.  3 
concerning  the  origin  of  Christianity,  as  well 
as  the  fact  presupposed  in  xiii.  7  that  promi- 
nent teachers  known  to  the  readers  had  suffered 
martyrdom,  would  well  suit  Rome,  where  St 
Peter  and  St  Paul  had  died  for  the  faith  and 
where  the  more  continuous  persecution  sug- 
gested throughout  the  epistle  would  most  likely 
occur.  Only  we  may  suppose  that  other 
Italian  Churches  besides  that  of  Rome  were  in 
the  mind  of  the  author,  one  of  which,  that  of 
Putioli,  perhaps  the  most  ancient  of  all,  was 
already  in  existence  at  the  time  of  St  Paul 
(Acts  xxviii.  14).  This  seems  to  be  shown  by 
the  words  "  they  of  Italy "  used  of  those 
sending  greeting  (xiii.  24),  by  the  emphasis 
laid  upon  "  all "  in  the  greeting  sent  to  the 
leaders  (xiii.  24  ;  cf.  17),  by  the  mention  of 
different  degrees  of  persecution  (x.  33/!,  xiii.  3), 
and  lastly,  by  the  absence  of  details  concerning 
the  life  of  any  particular  church.  The  want 
of    a   formal    address   is    also    most     natural 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   271 

if  the  epistle  was  addressed  to  a  succession  of 
churches,  like  the  commendatory  letter  given 
to  Phoebe  by  St  Paul  (pp.  92 Jf'.). 

In  regard  to  the  date  of  the  epistle,  there  is 
nothing   to   show  that   the  Temple  was  still 
standing ;  besides,  the  epistle  never  speaks  of 
the   Temple   but   always   of  the   Tabernacle. 
Moreover,  the  words  of  xiii.   14,  "  We   have 
here    no    abiding    city,"   would   have   gained 
special   force    if    the    earthly   Jerusalem,    the 
centre   of  the  first   generation   of  Christians, 
had  then    lain    in    ruins.     The   utterances   of 
ii.  3  /!,  v.   12,  and  x.  32  point  with  certainty 
to    the    second   generation  ;    also  the  author's 
acquaintance  with  different  epistles  of  St  Paul, 
together    with    the    free    attitude   he    adopts 
towards  them,  is  more  easily  intelligible  at  a 
later  date.     The  continued  persecution,  which 
must  have  been  preceded  by  another  (xiii.  7), 
cannot  have  been  that  of  Nero.     That  persecu- 
tion, the  first  of  all,  was  due  simply    to    the 
caprice  of  a  tyrant ;  it  died  out  with  his  death 
and  did  not  extend  beyond  the  limits  of  Home. 


272    Early   Christian   Literature 

On  the  other  hand,  all  the  references  made 
in  the  epistle  fit  in  with  what  we  know 
concerning  the  persecution  in  the  reign  of 
Domitian ;  and  so  the  epistle  may  well  be 
assigned  to  the  years  92-96  a.d. 


3.  The  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter. 

In  this  short  letter  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  has,  as  it  were,  a  younger  brother 
less  inclined  to  religious  speculation  but  on 
the  other  hand  richer  in  feeling  and  in  practical 
sense.  Its  fundamental  principles,  which  are 
rather  presupposed  than  discussed,  coincide 
most  closely  with  those  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews.  Like  the  latter  epistle  it  stands 
under  the  determining  influence  of  the  Old 
Testament,  which  is  also  used  in  the  Greek 
translation  and  is  interpreted  in  accordance 
with  the  same  allegorical  method.  The  idea 
of  priesthood  is  here  of  similar  importance 
(ii.  5-9,  v.  4).  The  whole  outlook  is  that  of 
Alexandria.     The  author  has  the  same   sure 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   273 

mastery  of  contemporary  Greek,  and  shows  it 
by  his  love  for  picturesque  epithet  and  by 
a  simple  but  telling  rhetoric  characterised 
especially  by  a  disposition  to  antithesis  (i.  6,  8, 
11, 14/.,  18^!,  etc.).  He  employs  and  develops 
his  imagery  with  the  greatest  possible  freedom 
(i.  7,  18  /.;  ii.  2-5,  25;  iii.  1-6).  He  also 
shows  rhetorical  skill  in  the  construction  of  his 
epistle.  He  preserves  his  independence  of 
St  Paul  and  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
though  he  is  greatly  indebted  to  the  former 
and  is  especially  influenced  by  Rom.  xii.-xiii.  ; 
indeed,  the  number  of  words  and  ideas  peculiar 
to  our  author  is  very  considerable.  In  pass- 
ages such  as  i.  2,  3  ;  iv.  II  ;  v.  11,  10,  14,  we 
may  perhaps  trace  the  influence  of  liturgical 
formularies. 

The  construction  of  the  epistle  is  very 
simple.  The  address  (i.  1  /'. )  is  followed  by 
an  introductory  section  (i.  '.I  12)  which  alludes 
to  the  sure  Salvation  which,  in  spite  of  the 
sufferings  of  the  present  time  (6   9),  is  pledged 

and  guaranteed  to  Christians.      It  is  of  course 

L8 


274    Early   Christian   Literature 

only  on  condition  of  conduct  in  accordance 
with  this  hope  (i.  13-21),  and  especially  right 
conduct  towards  brethren  in  the  faith  (i.  22- 
ii.  3),  that  this  Salvation  is  sure  (ii.  4-10). 
All  this  is  meant  as  an  introduction  in  order 
to  call  up  the  right  mood  in  the  soul  of  the 
reader,  just  as  it  is  with  the  long  introductory 
sections  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  (i.  1- 
iv.  13).  As  in  Hebrews  iii.  1,  the  direct  address 
to  the  readers  begins  at  ii.  11.  The  following 
main  division  of  the  epistle  falls  into  three 
sections.  The  first  (ii.  11 -iii.  7)  describes  the 
right  course  of  conduct  towards  unbelievers  in 
the  various  social  relationships,  culminating  in 
the  exhortation  of  iii.  8-12,  which  sums  up  the 
whole  preceding  section.  The  second  section 
points  to  the  blessing  reserved  for  those  who 
suffer  in  spite  of  their  good  conduct  (iii.  13- 
iv.  6),  and  is  again  summed  up  in  the  exhortation 
of  iv.  7-11.  The  third  section,  resting  upon 
the  promised  blessing,  incites  the  readers  to 
courage  in  the  midst  of  their  sufferings  (iv. 
12-19),   and    exhorts   the   different  classes  of 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   275 

the  communities,  and  more  especially  their 
leaders  the  Elders,  to  mutual  forbearance 
and  edification  (v.  1-5),  again  culminating 
in  a  general  exhortation  (v.  6-9).  As  in 
Hebrews  xiii.  20  /!,  a  solemn  blessing  (v.  10/!) 
leads  on  to  the  personal  notices  of  v.  12-14, 
the  first  of  which  is  a  direct  echo  of  Hebrews 
xiii.  22.  And  just  as  Timotheus  is  mentioned 
at  the  close  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  so 
here  we  meet  with  Mark — companions  respec- 
tively of  St  Paul  and  St  Peter.  The  greetings 
and  the  concluding  blessing  remind  us  like- 
wise of  Hebrews  xiii.  24  f. 

It  is  evident  that  in  this  epistle  the  author 
is  not  in  any  way  concerned  with  religious 
doctrine.  His  purpose  in  writing  is  to  exhort 
and  encourage.  He  intends  that  his  readers 
should  be  confirmed  in  their  Christian  hope, 
in  their  assurance  of  salvation,  and  here  again, 
as  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  "  Hope"  is 
the  word  used  to  describe  the  characteristic 
condition  of  a  Christian  (i.  .'5,  18,  21  ;  iii.  5,  15; 
<■/'.    Hebrews  iii.   6;  vi.   II,  18;  vii.  19;  x.  28; 


276    Early  Christian   Literature 

xi.  1 ).  This  is  the  fundamental  idea  running 
through  the  whole  epistle ;  and  the  readers 
need  this  exhortation  because  the  times  are 
indeed  hard  for  them.  There  is  no  difficulty 
in  recognising  what  it  is  that  threatens  to 
perplex  them.  A  thing  so  strange,  so 
unheard  of,  has  come  to  pass  that  they  are 
utterly  confounded  (iv.  12) — they  are  slandered 
(ii.  12),  and  must  suffer  for  the  very  name  of 
Christian  (iv.  15/.).  What  is  meant  by  these 
sufferings  is  shown  by  the  reference  to  the 
sufferings  of  Jesus  (ii.  21-23,  hi.  18,  iv.  13) 
and  the  comparison  with  what  a  criminal  has 
to  suffer.  It  has  already  come  to  such  a  pass 
that  they  are  in  danger  of  their  lives  (iv.  19, 
v.  8 ;  cf.  iv.  16) ;  they  are  as  it  were  passing 
through  a  purifying  fire,  which  is  the  prelude 
to  the  End  of  the  world  and  the  final  Judgment 
(i.  7;  iv.  13,  17).  These  sufferings  are  of 
manifold  kinds  (i.  G).  It  is  however  plain, 
from  iv.  16,  iii.  15  /!,  and  the  exhortation  of 
ii.  13-17,  that  they  often  take  the  form  of 
judicial  trials  before  the  authorities  ;  moreover, 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   277 

from  the  designation  of  Rome  as  Babylon 
(v.  13)  we  may  conclude  that  the  persecution 
was  most  severe. 

Rapid   perusal   of    this    epistle   makes   one 
realise  how  well    it   must   have   supplied   the 
need  of  these  hunted  Christians.     Its  author, 
with  warm  heart  and  perfect  sympathy,  incites 
them  to  take  heart  and  courage  and  to  direct 
their  thoughts  upward  to  the  glory  that  is  to 
come — as  at  the  very  beginning  of  his  epistle, 
i.   3-12,  especially  4/,  and  again  i.   13,  20  /'., 
so  also  in  the  last  part,  iv.  12  f.  ;  v.  4,  9,  ]0. 
He   calms   their   minds    by   pointing    to    the 
suffering   of  their    Master   (ii.  21-24).     They 
listen  to  the  message  of  one  who    is    sincere 
and  full  of  joyful  hope,  whose  supreme  interest 
lies  in  practical  ethical  questions,  who  neither 
descends  to  pathos  nor  makes  much  demand 
upon   their  intellect  nor   loses   himself  in   the 
depths  of  mysticism.     There  is  in  this  epistle 
as  little  trace  of  intimate  personal   relationship 
with   Christ     such   as   thai    seen    in   St    Paul 

as  there  is  in   the    Epistle  to  the   Hebrews. 


278    Early   Christian   Literature 

The  historical  personality  of  our  Saviour, 
whose  personal  name  Jesus  is  never  mentioned 
in  this  epistle,  completely  gives  place  to  the 
glorious  form  of  the  Risen  and  Expected  Lord. 
The  past  has  even  less  interest  for  our  author 
than  for  the  author  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews ;  his  gaze  is  fixed  upon  the  light  of 
the  future.  We  may  no  doubt  trace  in  his 
work  echoes  of  the  Logia  of  St  Matthew  ;  but 
he  never  quotes  words  of  our  Lord,  and  the 
leading  conceptions  of  the  Logia — such  as 
Kingdom  of  God,  Son  of  God,  Son  of  Man, 
and  the  like  —  are  entirely  lacking  in  this 
epistle.  Even  the  sufferings  of  our  Lord  are 
not  painted  after  the  pattern  of  our  evangelists 
but  in  accordance  with  the  prophetic  picture 
of  Isaiah  liii. 

It  is  evident  that  St  Peter  cannot  have 
written  this  epistle.  The  oldest  personal 
disciple  of  our  Lord  would  never  have  omitted 
the  slightest  reference  to  that  which  must 
above  all  things  have  distinguished  him  in  the 
eyes  of  his  readers.     And  how,  especially  at 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   279 

such  a  critical  time,  could  he  have  refrained 
from  speaking  of  reminiscences  which  formed 
the  best,  the  most  inspiring,  message  that  he 
could  deliver  ?  All  those  supposed  traits  of 
St  Peter,  that  men  find  in  the  very  indefinite 
portrait  of  the  author  which  we  derive  from 
this  epistle,  are  merely  products  of  a  fancy 
which  reads  into  the  work  what  it  wishes  to 
find  there.  If  he  wrote  in  Babylon,  why 
does  he  make  no  allusion  to  the  condition  of 
Christians  in  that  city  {  How  comes  it  that 
he  has  in  that  remote  spot  such  close  informa- 
tion concerning  the  welfare  of  the  Christians 
of  Asia  Minor?  Why  is  it  that  no  tradition 
exists  concerning  his  activity  in  Babylon  ? 
How  could  his  memory  have  been  obliterated 
in  the  later  legend  concerning  Simon  the 
CanaaneaD  as  the  missionary  apostle  of 
Babylon?  If  he  wrote  in  Home,  why  is  there 
no  word  about.  St  Paul  who  must  have  been 
either  living  I  here  or  must  have   just    suflrrcd 

a  martyr's  death  \     We   remember  also  that 
this  letter  is  addressed   to  communities  which 


280    Early  Christian  Literature 

were  for  the  most  part  founded  by  St  Paul. 
Again,  if  St  Peter  was  the  author,  the  epistle 
must  have  been  written  at  the  time  of  the 
Neronian  persecution.  But  all  the  information 
we  possess  goes  to  show  that  this  persecution 
did  not  extend  into  the  provinces.  It  is  of 
course  absolutely  impossible  that  the  letter 
could  have  been  written  before  the  time  of  St 
Paul.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Babylon  is  here 
as  in  the  Book  of  Revelation  a  metonym  for 
Rome — an  hypothesis  which  is  supported  by 
the  mention  of  St  Mark  in  v.  13  (cf.  Col.  iv.  10; 
2  Tim.  iv.  11),  as  well  as  by  the  constant 
dependence  of  this  epistle  upon  the  Epistle  to 
the  Romans  and  by  its  near  relationship  to 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews — then  the  assign- 
ing of  our  epistle  to  the  time  of  the  persecu- 
tion of  Domitian,  92-96  a.d.,  makes  it  in- 
telligible from  every  point  of  view.  This, 
however,  at  once  excludes  the  authorship  of 
St  Peter,  and  we  are  compelled  to  ascribe  the 
letter  to  some  devoted  disciple  of  the  Apostle 
who,  as  it  were,  lends  his  pen  to  his  sainted 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   281 

patron.  He  may  perhaps  be  the  Silvanus  who 
is  so  pointedly  mentioned  in  v.  12.  This  man, 
after  his  separation  from  St  Paul,  may  have 
companied  with  St  Peter,  as  did  St  Mark 
according  to  the  certainly  authentic  testimony 
of  a  tradition  we  have  referred  to  in  connec- 
tion with  the  Gospels.  Moreover,  these  two 
men  were  both  natives  of  Jerusalem.  Accord- 
ing to  this  view,  the  glorified  Apostle  had  as 
it  were  entrusted  this  word  of  exhortation  to 
Silvanus  the  "  faithful  brother,"  while  the 
addition  "as  I  account  him "  might  have 
sprung  from  the  modesty  of  the  real  writer. 
The  thought  of  the  readers  he  was  addressing 
may  also  have  contributed  to  move  the  author 
to  ascribe  the  epistle  to  St  Peter.  This 
apostle,  who  without  doubt  died  in  Rome,  and, 
as  later  tradition  shows,  quite  cast  St  Paul 
into  the  shade  in  the  memory  of  the  Roman 
Church,  had,  according  to  1  Cor.  ix.  5,  like- 
wise made  missionary  journeys.  After  St 
Paul's  imprisonment  he  might  quite  well  have 
founded  communities  in  the  provinces  of  Asia 


282    Early   Christian   Literature 

Minor,  especially  in  Pontus  Cappadoeia  and 
Bithynia,  which  St  Paul  had  not  visited. 
But  even  apart  from  this  supposition,  the 
high  and  acknowledged  authority  of  St  Peter, 
to  which  we  have  ample  testimony  not  only 
in  the  later  legends  of  the  Roman  Church  but 
also  in  the  Gospels  themselves,  is  sufficient  to 
account  for  this  attempt  as  it  were  to  call  back 
to  earth  again  the  spirit  of  the  great  Apostle 
that  he  might  strengthen  the  churches  at  the 
time  of  their  sore  distress. 

The  recipients  of  the  epistle,  according  to 
the  address,  were  the  Christians  of  the 
churches  of  Asia  Minor.  We  note  that 
Pontus  in  the  extreme  east  is  first  mentioned. 
It  is  possible  that  St  Peter  first  preached  the 
Gospel  in  that  province.  The  other  provinces 
follow  in  a  kind  of  historical  order,  in  so  far 
as  Galatia,  St  Paul's  first  field  of  labour, 
was  the  mother  province  of  Cappadoeia,  and 
Asia,  which  came  later  under  his  hand,  was 
the  mother  province  of  Bithynia.  The  de- 
scription  of    these    Christians   as    "  elect    so- 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   283 

journers  of  the  dispersion  "  is  an  appropriation 
in  an  allegorical  sense  of  Jewish  religious 
phraseology  and  is  characteristic  of  the  style 
of  the  whole  epistle.  The  Christians  are 
sojourners  because  the  world  around  them  is 
still  heathen ;  they  are  of  the  dispersion 
because  they  must  dwell  in  this  world  though 
they  are  the  holy  priesthood,  the  chosen 
generation,  the  peculiar  people  of  God  (ii. 
5-9).  For  the  most  part  they  consist  of  the 
newly  converted  (ii.  2 /!,  iv.  3  J'.,  ii.  25),  who 
still  well  remember  the  time  before  their 
conversion,  though  there  may  well  have  been 
some  among  them  who  were  Christians  of 
long  standing  and  even  some  who  had 
had  Christian  parents.  They  were  certainly 
(tcntile  Christians,  who  had  nothing  to  do 
with  the  .Jewish  Law.  The  epistle  brings  to 
light  do  trace  of  inward  dissention  in  the 
communities.  Perhaps  this  is  only  because 
the  authors  knowledge  was  somewhat  in- 
adequate ;  perhaps  also  the  persecutions  had 
repressed    all    tendencies    to    dissention.       At 


284    Early   Christian   Literature 

all  events  the  author  had  no  occasion  to 
enter  upon  controversial  religious  questions. 
Though  the  tone  of  this  epistle  is  more 
personal  and  intimate,  its  presentation  of 
Christianity  is  not  much  deeper  and  richer  in 
thought  than  that  of  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles. 
But  this  simplicity  of  thought  joined  with 
intimacy  of  appeal,  this  lofty  moral  earnest- 
ness joined  with  joyous,  indeed  jubilant, 
hope — amid  a  prevailing  atmosphere  of  trial 
and  affliction  so  that  we  are  constantly  re- 
minded of  the  tone  of  St  Paul's  Epistle  to  the 
Philippians — all  combine  to  make  this  short, 
impressive  letter  one  of  the  most  precious 
monuments  of  primitive  Christianity,  a  jewel 
of  the  New  Testament  worthy  to  be  inscribed 
with  the  name  of  the  great.  Apostle. 

4.  The  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians. 

In  spite  of  the  close  relationship  of  the  so- 
called  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  to  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  and  the  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter, 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   285 

it  is  essentially  superior  to  both  in  breadth  of 
thought ;  it  also  surpasses  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  in  force  of  appeal,  because  it  makes 
less  use  of  the  language  of  theology  and 
allegory  and  brings  its  intention  and  purpose 
to  direct  expression  in  words  that  can  be  easily 
understood.  The  arrangement  of  the  epistle 
is  admirable.  Leaving  out  of  account  the 
address  i.  1  /.  and  the  conclusion  vi.  19-24,  it 
falls  into  two  parts  of  similar  length  which  are 
sharply  divided  from  one  another  by  an 
ascription  of  praise  (iii.  20  /!),  just  as  the  two 
main  divisions  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Romans  are 
separated  by  Horn.  xi.  .'*.'>  86.  In  the  first  part 
(i.  3— iii.  19),  which  to  the  author  is  evidently 
the  more  important,  the  first  and  last  sections 
(i.  .'*  19,  iii.  1  21)  closely  correspond  to  one 
another.  The  first  section  begins  with  a 
description  of  the  Christian  state  of  Salvation 
(i.  '.I  14),  with  a  separate  reference  to  Jews  by 
birth  (11/.)  and  Gentiles  (18/.);  then  follows 
a  wish,  dwelt  upon  in  many  words,  that  the 
readers   may  have    perfect    knowledge    of   the 


286    Early  Christian   Literature 

greatness  of  this  Salvation  (i.  15-19).  In  the 
last  section,  after  the  statement  that  St  Paul 
is  the  appointed  champion  of  this  knowledge 
(iii.  1-13),  the  writer  again  prays  that  the 
readers  may  apprehend  and  appropriate  to 
themselves  the  Salvation  in  all  its  abundance 
(iii.  14-21).  This  is  enough  to  show  us  that 
the  passage  (i.  20— ii.  22)  which  is  framed 
between  these  two  sections  forms  the  kernel 
of  the  first  division  of  the  epistle.  We  may 
be  sure  that  this  section  is  intended  to  supply 
the  readers  with  the  knowledge  which  is  so 
earnestly  desired  for  them.  It  is  here  first 
shown  in  detail  that  the  Christian  state  of 
Salvation  is  assured  by  the  pre-eminent  glory 
and  power  of  Christ  (i.  20  f.)  and  is  imparted 
to  the  individual  through  Christ's  connection 
with  the  Christian  Church  (i.  22  /.),  and  it  is 
then  brought  home  to  the  readers  how  they 
have  been  thus  saved  from  a  situation  of 
despair  and  transported  into  the  life  of  Heaven 
(ii.  1-10).  The  passage  now  reaches  its  climax 
in  ii.   11-22,  where  in  impressive   tones   it   is 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   287 

proclaimed  that  this  Salvation,  thus  secured 
and  thus  imparted,  is  granted  equally  to  both 
groups  into  which  men  were  divided  before 
Christ's  ministry — to  Jews  and  Gentiles,  to  the 
far  and  the  near  —so  that  the  wall  of  partition 
between  them  has  been  broken  down,  peace 
has  been  restored,  and  both  have  become  in 
Christ  one  new  man  and  now  through  Him 
both  have  access  in  one  Spirit  to  the  Father. 
"  So  then  ye  are  no  more  strangers  and  so- 
journers but  ye  are  fellow  citizens  with  the 
saints  and  of  the  household  of  God,  being 
built  upon  the  foundation  of  the  apostles  and 
prophets,  Jesus  Christ  Himself  being  the  chief 
corner-stone:  in  whom  the  whole  building 
fitly  framed  together  groweth  into  an  holy 
temple  in  the  Lord  ;  in  whom  ye  also  are 
builded  together  for  an  habitation  of  God  in 
the  Spirit"  (ii.    19-22). 

The  second  main  division  (chaps.  IV.- vi.) 
shows  still  more  clearly  that  this  thought, 
which  so  inspires  the  author  that  in  its  ex- 
pression his  style  becomes  even  lyrical,  is  the 


288    Early  Christian   Literature 

climax  of  the  epistle.  Here  again  as  in  the 
first  part  of  the  epistle,  we  have  a  section  at 
the  beginning  (iv.  1-16)  corresponding  to  one 
at  the  end  (vi.  10-18).  In  the  first  section  the 
writer  makes  an  urgent  appeal  that  the  walk 
should  be  one  worthy  of  this  Salvation  which 
is  common  to  all,  and  he  emphasises  all  the 
virtues  by  which  alone  unity  in  the  bond  of 
peace  can  be  preserved  among  men  (iv.  1-3) ; 
then  in  close  connection  with  the  first  part 
he  proceeds  to  describe — again  in  lofty,  lyrical 
style — the  foundation  (4-6),  the  means  (7-11), 
and  the  end  (12-15)  of  the  Christian  Life  ;  and 
finally  (16)  he  returns  to  the  thought  which 
forms  the  climax  of  the  first  part  of  the  epistle, 
using  the  same  imagery  (cf.  ii.  19-22).  The  last 
section  (vi.  10-18),  which  in  verse  11  directly 
connects  with  iv.  14,  summons  the  Christian, 
under  the  glorious  simile  of  a  fully  armed  and 
prayerful  warrior,  to  a  firm  stand  in  a  warfare 
which  is  waged  not  against  flesh  and  blood  but 
against  all  those  powers  of  the  spiritual  world 
which  have  been  already  referred  to  in  iii.  10. 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   289 

Between  these  two  sections  an  ethical  catechism 
for  Gentile  Christians  (iv.  17-vi.  9),  starting 
from  a  description  of  the  former  heathen  and 
the  present  Christian  condition  (iv.  17-24), 
states  in  detail  the  duties  of  a  Christian  both 
as  an  individual  (iv.  25-v.  21)  and  in  society 
(v.  22-vi.  9),  but  without  any  reference  to 
particular  circumstances  of  the  communities 
— a  point  wherein  this  catechism  of  Christian 
morality  is  sharply  distinguished  from  all  similar 
passages  in  the  letters  of  St  Paul.  But  also 
in  the  first  part  of  his  epistle  the  author  always 
addresses  Christians  in  general,  never  Christians 
or  separate  communities  with  definite  charac- 
teristics or  under  particular  conditions.  And 
similarly  it  is  always  .lews  and  Gentiles  in 
general  that  arc-contrasted  withthese  Christians, 
not  separate  . Jewish  or  Gentile  personalities. 
No  kind  of*  personal  relationship  between  the 
author  and  his  readers  can  be  discerned.  His 
work  reads  like  a  stirring  pamphlet — nay,  like 
an  awakening  cry  sent  forth  abroad    wherever 

it  may  find  a  hearer;  it  is  a  Christian  program 

19 


290    Early   Christian   Literature 

for  the  future — or  rather  a  trumpet-blast  pro- 
claiming peace  within,  summoning  to  war 
outside. 

The  purpose  of  the  epistle  is  very  clear.  It 
does  not  aim  at  smoothing  over  particular 
difficulties  or  combating  strange  ideas  or  per- 
verse tendencies.  Indeed,  the  gaze  of  the  author 
passes  high  above  all  that  is  concrete  ;  he  sees 
it  not,  it  is  not  there  for  him.  He  has  grander 
objects  in  view.  With  joyous  gladness  his  spirit 
sees  the  rise  of  a  new  humanity,  in  which  the 
enmity  that  divided  the  old  humanity  into 
two  hostile  camps,  the  separation  between  Jew 
and  Gentile,  is  abolished  once  and  for  all. 
He  overflows  with  earnest  desire  to  bring 
everything  to  bear  which  may  strengthen  this 
unity  and  prevent  every  revival  of  the  old 
schism.  Neither  party  must  reproach  the 
other  for  its  past  (ii.  1-7).  They  both  have 
need  of  the  same  Salvation,  they  both  have 
reached  it  in  exactly  the  same  way  (i.  11-14.  ii. 
1 6 /*. ).  And  the  very  means  by  which  they  have 
been  reconciled  with  God  has  also  abolished  the 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   291 

Jewish  Law  that  separated  and  set  them  at 
enmity  with  one  another,  and  has  broken 
down  the  wall  of  partition  (ii.  13-16).  Now 
there  is  one  body  and  one  spirit  even  as  they 
both  are  called  in  one  hope,  one  Lord,  one  faith, 
one  baptism,  one  God  and  Father  of  all,  who 
is  above  all  and  through  all  and  in  all.  This 
gospel  of  the  unity  of  Christians  rests  upon 
the  authority  of  the  apostles  and  prophets 
(ii.  20,  iii.  5,  iv.  11).  It  is  the  glory  of  St 
Paul  that  he  perceived  and  proclaimed  it 
(iii.  1-14).  Nay  more,  this  amalgamation  of 
Jew  and  Gentile  into  one  people  rests  upon 
a  preordaining  counsel  of  God  before  the 
foundation  of  the  world  (i.  4  /!,  11  ;  iii.  5  J'.). 
And  in  the  mind  of  the  author  the  aim  of 
Christ's  Redemption  is  not  so  much  the 
saving  of  individual  souls  as  this  union  of 
mankind  into  one  new  people  (ii.  14-16). 
This  people,  this  Church  is  the  object  of  the 
love  of  Christ,  (v.  20  /!.  21)  82).  If  is  His 
body,  the  fulness  of  Ilini  that  fillet h  all  in  all. 
Hut  it  lias  ;i  further  lofty  function  to  fulfil  ;   it 


292    Early   Christian   Literature 

must  fight  out  to  the  end  the  mighty  conflict 
with  the  spiritual  powers  of  this  world  (iii.  10, 
vi.  10-19). 

We  must  not  imagine  that  the  author  knew 
of  actual  dissentions  in  Christendom,  or  that 
one  tendency  or  conception  of  Christianity 
was  at  this  time  asserting  itself  in  opposition 
to  another  or  was  demanding  concessions  from 
another.  The  epistle  at  least  does  not  touch 
upon  such  matters.  It  is  above  all  a  hymn  of 
unity  ;  in  quite  general  terms  it  exhorts  Chris- 
tians to  hold  fast  to  and  to  rejoice  in  this 
glorious  prize.  The  writer  would  by  his  exposi- 
tion abolish  even  the  last  most  secret  traces 
of  former  discord — such  for  instance  as  peep 
out  from  the  past  in  ii.  21 — if  they  still  exist 
anywhere.  He  would  awaken  in  each  of  his 
readers  the  feeling  of  perfect  unity,  that  this 
alone  may  fill  every  soul.  He  demands  from 
all  only  Love  (i.  15;  iii.  17,/!;  iv.  2,  15,  16; 
v.  2),  and  Peace  (ii.  14,  15,  17  ;  iv.  3 ;  vi.  15, 
28/). 

There  is  no  doubt  that  Gentiles  form   the 


The   Post- Pauline   Literature   293 

great  majority  among  those  to  whom  the 
epistle  is  addressed.  The  writer  thinks  of  them 
when  he  directly  addresses  his  readers  (i.  13  f. ; 
ii.  11-13,  19,  etc.).  They  are  warned  to  fight 
against  their  heathen  propensities  (iv.  14,  17- 
vi.  9).  They  seem  inclined  to  despise  the  tradi- 
tion of  faith  (iii.  1-13,  ii.  20,  iv.  7-13),  and 
to  despise  the  Jews  whose  prerogatives  are 
therefore  gently  asserted  (i.  11  f.  ;  ii.  11  f.,  19; 
iii.  8:  vi.  17).  Our  author,  in  words  which 
remind  us  of  the  exhortation  of  Hebrews  x.  25, 
bids  them  hold  fast  to  that  close  fellowship 
which  was  so  alien  to  their  old  ideas  (ii.  11-22 ; 
iii.  15,  IS;  iv.  3,  15/!).  To  Jewish  Christians 
the  writer  has  nothing  to  say ;  only  in  the 
passages  ii.  H  10,  15,  there  may  lie  a  point, 
though  indeed  it  is  much  disguised,  that  is 
directed  against  Jewish  tendencies.  The  very 
warmth  with  which  the  epistle  emphasises  the 
reconciliation  between  Jew  and  ( Ien1  ile  prevents 
us  from  regarding  the  Jewish  Christians  as 
insignificant,  in  number  and  importance  when 
compared   with   their   (ientile   brethren,  or  as 


294    Early   Christian   Literature 

lying  outside  the  horizon  of  the  author  who 
includes  himself  among  them  in  the  "  we  "  of 
i.  11  /.  We  must  therefore  conclude  that, 
at  all  events  in  the  communities  which  the 
author  has  in  view,  they  had  desisted  from  all 
attempts  to  impose  Jewish  ordinances  upon  the 
Gentile  Christians  and  had  even  renounced 
their  own  manner  of  life  in  accordance  with 
the  Law. 

All  which  has  hitherto  been  said  concerning 
this  epistle,  its  form,  its  content,  its  ideas,  its 
presuppositions,  absolutely  excludes  the  possi- 
bility of  a  Pauline  authorship.  It  is  true  that 
every  sentence  contains  verbal  echoes  of 
Pauline  epistles ;  indeed,  except  where  ideas 
peculiar  to  the  epistle  come  to  expression,  it  is 
simply  a  mosaic  of  Pauline  phraseology.  But 
this  very  fact  makes  it  impossible  to  ascribe 
the  letter  to  one  who  was  of  so  original  a  spirit 
and  so  rarely  repeated  himself  as  St  Paul.  The 
somewhat  turgid  long-winded  periods,  the 
fulness  of  expression  which  oftentimes  borders 
upon  the  superfluous,  the  constant  addition  or 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   295 

insertion  of  qualifying  phrases   whose   logical 
connection   is   often   scarcely   discernible,  the 
tendency  to  the  pathetic,  the  elevated,  almost 
lyrical  style  which  pervades  the  whole  epistle 
— all  this  stands  in  bold  contrast  with  the  some- 
what sketchy  and  always  pointed  style  of  St 
Paul,  with  whom  the  depth  and  fulness  of  the 
thoughts  that   crowded   upon  him   seem  ever 
struggling  with  the  inadequacy  of  mere  words 
as  a  means  of  expression.     On  the  other  hand, 
there  is  in  this  epistle  a  complete  absence  of 
those  final  and  consecutive  conjunctions  which 
St    Paul    so    constantly  employs.     Other   ex- 
pressions which  arc  used  by  St   Paul  only  in 
their   full  connotation  here  become  formulas ; 
so    especially    the     Pauline    phrase    "  In    the 
Lord        or     "In     Christ,"     which,     counting 
synonyms,  occurs  no  less  than  twelve  times  in 
the    single    passage    i.    1    L4,    while    it   appears 
only  eleven  times  in  the   whole    Epistle  to  the 
Colossians.       Together    with    the   whole   post- 
Pauline   literature   this   epistle   speaks  of  "the 
devil,"   in  contrast    to   St   Paul  who  uses  the 


296    Early   Christian   Literature 

word  "  Satan."  Heaven  is  described,  as  in  the 
Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  by  the  phrase  "  the 
heavenly  things."  St  Paul  again  could  never 
have  used  the  expression  "the  holy  apostles 
and  prophets "  (iii.  5),  or  have  described  the 
essence  of  Christianity  in  the  phrase  "  Love  with 
Faith"  (vi.  23),  which  stands  in  such  sharp 
contrast  to  the  Pauline  "  Faith  working  through 
Love"  (Gal.  v.  6).  Above  all,  the  constant 
use  that  is  made  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians 
— except  those  portions  which  deal  with 
questions  relating  to  the  Colossian  community 
— in  the  second  half  of  our  epistle,  is  not  to  be 
thought  of  in  connection  with  St  Paul.  Such 
a  man  as  he  does  not  write  himself  out,  nor 
does  lie  repeat  himself  when  in  his  second 
writing  he  follows  aims  so  entirely  different. 
In  two  twin  letters  like  these  he  could 
not  have  combined  with  the  same  word  a 
different  significance  in  the  separate  letters, 
as  is  undoubtedly  the  case  in  these  two 
epistles  with  the  words  "  Fulness,"  "  House- 
hold,"   "  Mystery " ;    nor    could     he    in     the 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   297 

later  epistle  have  again  and  again  made  use 
of  a  number  of  characteristic  phrases  which 
never  fell  from  his  pen  as  he  wrote  the  epistle 
which  served  as  his  pattern. 

However,  all  these  characteristics,  which 
separate  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians  from 
St  Paul,  set  it  beside  the  Acts,  the 
Hebrews,  and  the  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter. 
Indeed  its  relationship  with  the  first  two  of 
these  writings,  both  in  vocabulary  and  character- 
istic ideas,  is  so  remarkably  close  that  we  are 
puzzled  to  find  a  reason  why  the  authors  of 
both  should  have  shown  such  a  preference  for 
our  epistle  above  all  others  that  are  assigned 
to  St  Paul.  In  other  points,  however,  it  shows 
the  same  measure  of  affinity  with  the  Pastoral 
Epistles.  It  stands  approximately  in  the  middle 
ofthegapwhich  separates  these  writings  from  St 
Paul,  perhaps  nearer  to  them  than  to  St  Paul. 
Moreover,    in    this    epistle    we    mark    a    great 

advance  in   the  development  that  culminates 

in    the  Johannine   writings,  greater  even   than 
in  the  Epistle  to  the    Hebrews.      We  mention 


298    Early  Christian  Literature 

only  the  most  important  points  of  agreement : 
— In  our  epistle  as  in  the  Gospel  of  St  John, 
Christ  takes  upon  Himself  what  is  elsewhere 
assigned   to    God  ;   so  also  in  both  cases   the 
Death   of  Christ   falls   into   the  background. 
Here  again  we  may  note  that  St  Paul  would 
scarcely  have  omitted  a  reference  to  the  Death 
of  Christ  in  such  passages  as  i.  15— ii.  10,  11-14  ; 
iii.   1-21  ;    iv.   1-16 ;    ii.   14-16.      The    single 
reference  to  the  Death  (i.  7)  comes  from  Col. 
i.  14 ;  it  is  elsewhere  regarded  only  as  a  model 
for  Christian  endurance.     Again  in  this  epistle 
Christ  is  represented  as  standing  in  relation  to 
the  Church,  not  to  individual  men  as  with  St 
Paul ;  Christ  indeed  has  entered  into  a  mystic 
marriage  with  the  Church.    Our  author  takes  no 
account  of  the  Law,  nor  does  he  make  use  of  the 
Old  Testament  as  an  authority  for  his  teaching  ; 
words  from  the  Old  Testament  indeed  occur 
here  and  there  in  his  epistle,  but  always  inter- 
woven in  his   own   text.     He   speaks   of  the 
existence  of  a  whole  hierarchy  of  Church  officers 
to     whom    authority    is     ascribed  —  apostles, 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   299 

prophets,  evangelists,  pastors,  and  teachers  (iv. 
11):  here  again  the  epistle  comes  into  contact 
with  Acts  xxi.  8  and  2  Tim.  iv.  5.  As  in  the 
Acts  so  in  this  epistle  St  Paul  is  in  all  things 
one  with  the  apostles  (ii.  20,  iii.  5/1),  by  which 
term  without  doubt  the  Twelve  are  chiefly 
signified.  Also  the  not  infrequent  occurrence 
of  passages  which  sound  like  solemn  liturgical 
formularies  makes  us  feel  that  we  are  out  of 
touch  with  the  original  and  living  utterance 
of  St  Paul.  We  moreover  can  scarcely  fail  to 
perceive  that  our  author  is  somehow  acquainted 
with  the  Greek  mysteries,  and  that  he  here 
and  there  borrows  from  them  both  terms  and 
ideas  which  he  presses  into  the  service  of 
Christianity. 

As  we  inquire  into  the  circumstances  of 
the  origin  of  this  characteristic  epistle  we  find 
that  the  imagery  of  vi.  II  is  implies  ;i  bitter 
conflict  with  the  powers  of  the  world  that  is 

already  past  arid  is  to  be  expected  in  the 
future,  and  thus  directs  us  to  the  last  years  of 
Domitian — perhaps,  indeed,  to  a  time  after  the 


300    Early   Christian   Literature 

close  of  the  reign  of  that  monarch.  For  the 
deliberate  calm  and  yet  enthusiastic  presenta- 
tion of  grand  ideals  given  in  this  writing  would 
not  well  suit  a  time  disturbed  by  a  very 
struggle  for  existence  ;  and  besides,  the  author 
never  implies  that  his  readers  were  at  the  time 
suffering  persecution.  The  fact  that  Judaism 
retires  so  much  into  the  background  permits 
the  conclusion  that  Jerusalem  was  now  de- 
stroyed. The  relationship  with  the  Acts  and 
the  Pastoral  Epistles  favours  the  end  of  the 
first  century.  Detailed  investigations  of  the 
numerous  points  of  contact  of  our  epistle  with 
1  Peter,  though  starting  from  the  most  varied 
premisses,  have  always  led  to  the  conclusion 
that  the  latter  epistle  lay  before  our  author 
when  he  wrote :  this  also  points  to  the  end 
of  the  century.  The  close  relationship  of 
Ephesians  with  1  Peter  might  suggest  Rome 
as  the  place  of  origin  ;  but  our  author  could 
well  have  become  acquainted  with  1  Peter 
in  Asia  Minor,  whither  that  epistle  was  sent. 
The    latter    conjecture   is   supported    by   the 


The  Post- Pauline  Literature   301 

relationship  of  our  epistle  with  the  Acts  and 
with  the  later  Johannine  literature  ;  also  by 
the  use  that  it  makes  of  Colossians  ;  and  lastly, 
by  the  important  fact  that  no  knowledge  of 
it  is  shown  in  the  epistle  of  Clement  of  Rome 
nor  even  perhaps  in  the  Shepherd  of  Hernias. 
Again,  we  receive  in  this  way  the  best  explana- 
tion of  the  strange  history  of  its  address.  It 
was  remembered  in  the  third  and  even  in  the 
fourth  century  that  the  words  "at  Ephesus  ' 
were  originally  wanting  in  the  address  of 
Ephesians.  The  letter  was  originally  addressed 
to  "the  Saints  in  Christ  which  also  are  faithful  " 
that  is.  to  all  true  Christians  where ver  they 
dwelt  (i.  1  ).  How  then  did  the  letter  come  by 
the  address  l^plxsus  ^  Surely,  it  is  most  natural 
to  suppose,  because  Ephesus  was  the  centre 
whence  the  knowledge  of  this  epistle  was  prin- 
cipally disseminated.  Nor  is  it  hardt  0  under- 
stand why  the  author  chose  St  Paul  to  convey 
his  message  to  the  Christians  of  his  days.  Si 
Paul  was  the  founder  of  the  great  Gentile 
Church,  the  father  of  the  I  bought  that  in  Christ 


302    Early   Christian   Literature 

there  is  neither  Jew  nor  Greek,  the  great 
champion  of  reconciliation  between  both 
parties.  Our  author  moreover,  among  all 
early  Christians  whose  writings  have  come 
down  to  us,  was  the  nearest,  the  most  con- 
genial in  spirit  of  the  disciples  of  the  great 
Apostle  of  the  Gentiles.  It  was  the  life-work 
of  his  master  that  he  would  now  bring  to 
perfection,  it  was  the  master's  own  spirit  that 
now  inspired  him.  Indeed,  why  might  not  St 
Paul  himself  when  his  imprisonment  at  Rome 
had  snatched  him  away  from  the  scene  of 
active  conflict — why  might  not  he  have  given 
utterance  among  his  little  band  of  faithful 
followers  to  similar  thoughts  concerning  the 
unifying  power  of  Christianity,  without  of 
course  making  them  the  central  point  of  the 
Gospel  as  happens  in  this  epistle  ?  And  if  the 
tone  of  our  epistle  verges  somewhat  upon  the 
apocalyptic  (i.  17 ;  hi.  3,  5),  this  tendency  in 
the  author  would  of  itself  suggest  his  speaking 
in  the  name  of  some  hero  of  the  past.  The 
peculiarly  close  relationship  of  our  epistle  with 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   303 

the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians  may  be  due  to 
very  various  causes.  That  epistle,  omitting 
the  absolutely  personal  effusion  to  the 
Philippians,  was  the  last  from  the  hand  of  St 
Paul,  and,  as  can  be  proved,  was  the  least 
widely  known.  When  St  Paul  wrote  it  he  was 
separated  from  fellowship  with  his  churches, 
like  the  Paul  whom  our  author  feels  to  be  the 
spiritual  father  of  our  epistle.  Moreover,  in 
Colossians  the  Gentile  apostolate  of  St  Paul 
is  presented  more  clearly  and  less  controver- 
sially than  in  any  of  the  epistles  written  in  the 
midst  of  the  conflicts  of  his  active  mission. 
Our  author  may  also  have  been  attracted  by 
the  tabic  of  duties  given  in  Colossians,  and  by 
the  number  of  expressions  which  echo  the 
language  of  the  mysteries  wherein  that  epistle 
stands  in  striking  contrast  to  the  other  letters 
of  St  Paul.  If  the  latter  suggestion  be  true, 
a  most  significant  light  is  thrown  upon  the 
petition  thai  is  placed  in  the  mouth  of  the 
Apostle  at  the  close  of  Kphcsians  (vi.  19/.). 
The  author  has  not  exerted  himself  to  prove 


304    Early   Christian   Literature 

that  this  letter  was  really  written  by  St  Paul. 
He  refrains,  like  the  author  of  1  Peter,  from  all 
reference  to  concrete  traits  and  particulars. 
The  solitary  and  insignificant  exception,  the 
mention  of  Tychicus  (vi.  21  /!),  which  scarcely 
goes  beyond  the  mere  ascription  of  the  epistle 
to  St  Paul,  is  taken  verbally  from  Col.  iv.  7  f. 
Is  it  possible  that  Tychicus  was  the  real 
author  of  our  epistle  ? 

The  fundamental  thought  of  this  epistle,  as 
well  as  the  manner  in  which  it  is  established 
and  developed,  prove  the  author  to  have  been 
a  man  of  lofty  far-seeing  and  full  mind,  grander 
in  his  ideas  than  the  author  of  the  Acts  and 
1  Peter  and  more  in  touch  with  practical  life 
than  the  author  of  Hebrews.  The  epistle  only 
gains  in  significance  by  being  removed  from 
among  the  letters  of  St  Paul.  It  then  first 
takes  its  own  peculiar  and  important  station 
within  the  sphere  of  early  Christian  litera- 
ture. Its  greatest  significance  however  lies 
in  the  fact  that,  in  another  sphere  than  the 
Epistle    to    the    Hebrews,    it    nas    given    to 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   305 

Catholicism  one  of  its  most  potent  ideas — 
the  idea  of  unity.  The  Catholic  Church  has 
learned  and  borrowed  more  from  this  epistle 
than  from  all  the  writings  of  St  Paul  taken 
together. 


5.  The  Pastoral  Epistles. 

In  the  continuation  of  the  line  which  leads 
from  St  Paul  to  Acts  and  Ephesians  there  now 
lie  three  epistles,  again  bearing  the  name  of 
St  Paul,  which  we  are  accustomed  to  compre- 
hend under  the  name  Pastoral  Epistles.  They 
afford  unmistakable  signs  of  literary  unity, 
and  yet  by  their  difference  they  also  testify 
to  a  development  within  themselves.  They 
speak  the  same  language  and  move  in  the 
same  sphere  of  interests ;  they  all  present 
the  same  short  form  of  Concluding  bless- 
ing; the  two  epistles  to  Timothy  have  the 
same  peculiar  form  of  introductory  greeting  ; 
they  "ill  show  in  the  main  the  same  con- 
struction.     Thai     which    separates    them    from 

20 


306    Early  Christian  Literature 

St  Paul  binds  them  together.  The  most 
ancient  of  them  is  that  epistle  which,  because 
of  its  brevity,  has  been  given  the  second 
place  in  the  collection — namely,  the  so-called 
Second  Epistle  to  Timothy.  Its  substance  is 
as  follows: — After  the  address  (i.  1  f.)  comes, 
as  an  introduction,  an  expression  of  the 
personal  relations  between  the  writer  and  the 
recipient  of  the  letter  (i.  3-5),  a  note  which  is 
repeated  in  the  conclusion  with  its  striking 
fulness  of  personal  allusion  (iv.  9-22).  The 
central  portion  of  the  epistle  falls  into  three 
parts :  ( 1 )  an  exhortation  to  Timothy  to  act 
as  a  faithful  and  courageous  steward  of  the 
Apostle's  heritage,  the  more  so  because  others 
have  turned  away  from  him  (i.  6-ii.  13) ;  (2)  a 
discussion  of  the  particular  phenomena  in  the 
churches  entrusted  to  Timothy  which  make 
such  an  exhortation  necessary  (ii.  I4-iii.  9) ; 
(3)  an  emphatic  repetition  of  the  exhorta- 
tions of  the  first  part  (iii.   10-iv.  8). 

The  construction  of  the  Epistle  to  Titus  is 
absolutely    similar    and    equally   transparent. 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   307 

Between  the  introduction  combined  with  the 
address  (i.  1-4)  and  the  personal  notices  of  the 
conclusion  (hi.  12-15)  are  found  three  sections  : 
(1)  a  direction  concerning  the  appointment 
of  presbyters  (i.  5-9) ;  (2)  a  discussion  of  the 
heresies  which  make  this  action  necessary 
(i.  10-16);  (8)  a  list  of  duties  (ii.  1-iii.  7). 
This  list  of  duties,  as  with  St  Paul,  is  divided 
into  rules  for  the  conduct  of  the  different 
orders  in  the  community  (ii.  1-15)  and  rules 
for  conduct  towards  those  outside  (iii.  1-7), 
and  in  each  case  the  set  of  rules  is  followed 
by  a  passage  giving  its  religious  basis  (ii. 
II  14,  iii.  :i  7).  This  epistle,  compared  with 
the  first  -  mentioned,  represents  a  more  ad- 
vanced state  of  affairs.  Heresy  lias  further 
developed  and  has  grown  in  importance 
(<■/:  i.  10  Hi  with  '2  Tim.  ii.  18,  iii.  0  /[).  It  is 
described  more  distinctly  and  more  sternly 
condemned.      While  in  the  one  case  gentleness 

and  patience  are  commended,  in  this  epistle 
energetic  repression  is  advised;  and  while 
Timothy  is  bid  to  see  to  the  matter  himself, 


308    Early  Christian  Literature 

Titus   must   institute    a    presbytery   to    help 
him  to  combat  the  false  teachers. 

It  is  only  because  of  later  additions  that 
the  so-called  First  Epistle  to  Timothy  has 
reached  the  size  that  has  given  it  the  premier 
position.  For  while  chaps,  i.-iv.  with  vi.  3-16 
may  be  perhaps  regarded  as  a  fairly  connected 
epistle,  the  thread  is  absolutely  broken  at 
v.  1.  What  comes  before  and  after  vi.  3-16 
consists  of  short  disconnected  directions  or 
regulations  for  different  sections  of  the  com- 
munity in  the  following  order : — a  direction 
prescribing  the  behaviour  of  the  head  of  the 
community  towards  different  sexes  and  ages 
(v.  1  ./),  a  regulation  concerning  widows  (v.  3 
16),  an  ordinance  concerning  presbyters  (v.  17- 
25),  and  rules  concerning  slaves  (vi.  If.) ;  while 
after  vi.  3-16  comes  a  charge  to  the  rich 
(vi.  17-19),  and  finally  an  energetic  warning 
against  a  knowledge  falsely  so  called  (vi.  20  J'.). 
If  we  leave  on  one  side  these  appendices  which 
give  to  the  epistle  the  character  of  a  compila- 
tion of  social  rules,  the  remainder  approximates 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   309 

closely  to  the  two  other  epistles  in  construction 
and  aim.    Again  an  introduction,  i.  3-20,  follow- 
ing the  address  i.  If.  and  a  conclusion  vi.  3-16, 
form  the  framework  of  the  body  of  the  epistle 
which  falls  into  three  parts,  of  which  the  first 
two  are  closely   bound    up  with  one  another. 
The  first  part  contains  directions  for  the  Chris- 
tian   life ;    first   the   attitude  toward  the  civil 
authorities    is    prescribed    (ii.    1-7),    then   the 
conduct   in    society  with  separate   regulations 
for  men  and  women    (ii.  8-15).     The  second 
part     gives    rules     for     the     officers    of    the 
community,    the    bishops    and     deacons    (iii. 
1_13).     Then    these    two    parts   are    marked 
off    as     a     complete     whole     by     a     solemn 
conclusion     (iii.     14-16)     which     rounds     off 
what    has    preceded.      This   general    catechism 
or    code    of*    rules     is    nothing    else    than    an 
amplification    of    the    Epistle    to    Titus,    with 
the   exception  of  the  passage  against   heresy 
(Tit.    i.    10    10).      The  omitted   passage  of   the 
Epistle    to    TitUS,    together    with    the    similar 
passages    of   2   Timothy,   are  worked    Up    into 


310    Early   Christian   Literature 

the  regulations  against  heretics  which  form 
the  third  part  of  our  epistle.  Here  also  we 
note  at  every  point  an  advance  upon  the 
conditions  disclosed  in  the  two  other  epistles. 
There  is  a  further  development  of  heresy ; 
the  organisation  of  the  community  calls  for 
much  more  detailed  regulations  than  those 
of  the  Epistle  to  Titus  ;  and  a  much  more 
authoritative  position  is  assigned  to  Timothy. 
It  is  impossible  that  these  epistles  as  they 
stand  can  have  been  written  by  St  Paul. 
The  heresy  presupposed  in  them,  in  which 
moral  laxity  is  combined  with  an  ascetic 
tendency,  had  probably  its  precursors  in  the 
phenomena  which  are  combated  in  Hebrews 
xiii.  9  and  Acts  xx.  29  /!,  but  it  does  not  show 
itself  during  the  life  of  St  Paul  and  it  is 
scarcely  probable  that  it  could  then  have 
reached  such  dimensions.  Certainly  that 
Apostle  would  have  combated  it  with  other 
means  than  those  commended  in  these  epistles. 
The  idea  of  a  rigid  ecclesiastical  organisation 
is  absolutely  foreign  to    St  Paul :    he  builds 


The   Post-Pauline   Literature   311 

not  upon  Church  offices  but  upon  the  Spirit. 
He  moreover  never  claims  for  himself  such  a 
position  of  authority  as  do  these  epistles 
which  here  proceed  along  the  path  of  develop- 
ment begun  in  Ephesians  hi.  1-13.  In  these 
epistles  the  teaching  of  St  Paul  is  "  the  sound 
doctrine  " — it  is  as  it  were  canonical — and  their 
one  object  is  to  preserve  in  its  purity  this 
apostolic  heritage.  This  trait  closely  coincides 
with  what  is  praised  as  befitting  conduct  in 
the  Acts  in  that  memorable  phrase  "abiding 
in  the  Apostle's  doctrine  "  (Acts  ii.  42),  which 
is  further  developed  in  St  Paul's  speech  at 
Miletus  (xx.  17  .'*.">).  Those,  however,  whose 
business  it  is  to  guard  this  apostolic  heritage 
are  the  persons  to  whom  the  epistles  are 
addressed  and  the  Church  officers  under 
their  commission  and  control;  to  these 
then  lore  is  assigned  an  authoritative  position 
in  the  community.  A  striking  parallel  to 
the    personul    position    of   authority    which    is 

assigned    to  Timothy,   especially  in   the   firsl 

epistle,    will    come    before    our    notice    in    our 


312    Early  Christian   Literature 

discussion  of  the  Johannine  writings.  This 
development  is  again  a  continuation  of  that 
which  we  noticed  in  the  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesians.  In  that  epistle  the  Church  was 
described  as  an  authoritative  entity :  in  the 
Pastoral  Epistles  the  Church  gains  its 
necessary  administrative  organs.  We  note 
besides  that  the  beginning  of  the  development 
of  formal  creeds  is  here  shown  more  clearly 
than  in  the  other  writings  of  the  post-Pauline 
period  that  have  as  yet  come  under  our 
consideration  (cf.  2  Tim.  ii.  8 ;  1  Tim.  iii.  16, 
vi.  13). 

But  leaving  out  of  account  these  great 
leading  ideas,  there  are  details  in  the  epistles 
which  make  it  impossible  that  St  Paul  could 
have  written  them.  A  multitude  of  ex- 
pressions which  are  current  in  the  epistolary 
style  of  these  writings,  and  are  here  hardened 
into  fixed  ideas,  never  occur  in  the  genuine 
letters  of  St  Paul ;  on  the  other  hand,  there 
is  a  total  absence  of  the  characteristic  ex- 
pressions in  which  St   Paul  prefers  to  clothe 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   313 

his  ideas.  The  style  again  is  completely  differ- 
ent. Points  are  briefly  asserted,  not  proved. 
The  conjunctions  "  so  then "  and  "  where- 
fore," which  combine  sentence  with  sentence 
in  logical  connection  and  are  indispensable  to 
the  style  of  St  Paul,  are  lacking  in  these 
epistles.  Neither  in  language  nor  ideas  do 
they  show  the  influence  of  the  Old  Testament ; 
on  the  other  hand,  as  we  read  them  we 
constantly  meet  with  Greek  ideas,  while 
echoes  of  and  allusions  to  Greek  literature 
again  and  again  fall  upon  our  ears. 

We  come  now  to  a  third  point  Which  is 
important  in  this  connection.  The  situation 
presupposed  in  these  epistles,  and  above  all 
the  relations  that  are  supposed  to  exist 
between  the  Apostle  and  his  two  fellow- 
workers.  :11c  quite  out  of  harmony  with  what 
we  know  of  the  life  and  character  of  St  Paul. 

Can  we  imagine  that  St  Paul  was  really 
obliged  to  exhort,  Timothy  and  Titus  again 
and  again  to  be  faithful  '.  Could  the  Apostle 
in    writing    to    them    have    been     obliged    to 


314    Early   Christian   Literature 

vindicate  himself  as  he  is  represented  in  these 
epistles  ?  (2  Tim.  iii.  10  ;  Tit.  i.  3  ;  1  Tim.  i.  11, 
ii.  7).  Both  circumstances  are  alone  intelligible 
on  the  supposition  that  the  writer  justifies 
the  measures  against  heretics  recommended 
in  these  epistles  because  they  answer  to  the 
duty  of  fidelity  to  the  Apostle,  who  must  be 
defended  against  any  diminution  of  his 
authority.  But  also  the  historical  circum- 
tances  presupposed  in  these  epistles  cannot  be 
reconciled  with  the  actual  course  of  history. 
The  most  striking  discrepancy  appears  in 
1  Timothy,  the  latest  of  the  three.  St  Paul 
has  caused  his  fellow-worker  to  tarry  in 
Ephesus,  and  hopes  soon  to  go  thither  him- 
self (i.  3  /!,  iii.  14,  iv.  13).  If  St  Paul 
arranged  this  by  letter,  it  must  have  been 
done  when  he  started  from  Corinth  to 
Macedonia  (Acts  xx.  4  /".).  But  how  can  this 
be  reconciled  with  the  report  of  Acts  xix.  22 
that  Timothy  with  Erastus  were  sent  on 
beforehand  from  Ephesus  to  Macedonia  ?  And 
why  does  St  Paul  afterwards  pass  by  Ephesus  ? 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   315 

(Acts  xx.  16).  If  St  Paul  made  the  arrange- 
ment by  word  of  mouth,  it  could  only  have 
taken  place  before  his  departure  from  Ephesus 
(Acts  xx.  1).  But  this  also  is  irreconcil- 
able with  xix.  22.  Again,  why  is  the  Apostle 
compelled,  after  so  short  an  absence,  to  give 
Timothy  such  detailed  instructions,  seeing  that 
the  occasion — that  is,  the  appearance  of  false 
teachers  -is.  according  to  the  epistle  itself,  no 
sudden  unexpected  phenomenon  ?  (i.  3,  18). 
Why  does  he  make  no  reference  to  his  own 
ministry  in  Ephesus  ?  Why  does  he  not  come 
himself?  But  all  these  objections  are  secon- 
dary to  the  most  fatal  of  all  that  while  this 
epistle  is  certainly  the  latest  in  date  of  the 
three,  it  must  have  been  the  earliest  according 
to  the  situation  it  presupposes. 

It  is  somewhat  otherwise  with  the  other 
two  epistles  which  also  furnish  some  few  data 
which  fix  the  situations  under  which  they  are 
supposed  to  be  written.  According  to  the 
Epistle  to  Titus,  Si  Paul  had  left  Titus  behind 

in   Crete   where    Zena.s    and    Apollos   had    now 


3 1 6    Early  Christian   Literature 

visited  him  (iii.  13).  Titus  is  to  be  shortly 
relieved  by  Tychicus  or  Artemas  and  is  then 
to  meet  St  Paul  in  Nicopolis,  where  he  has 
determined  to  winter  (iii.  12).  This  is  all 
intelligible  in  itself  and  as  a  part  of  the  life 
of  St  Paul,  and  the  fulness  of  particulars 
gives  an  impression  of  authenticity.  St  Paul 
himself  could  well  have  touched  at  Crete 
during  the  journey  of  Acts  xx.  3 ;  at  all 
events,  Titus  could  well  have  been  com- 
missioned by  him  to  preach  the  Gospel  there. 
The  route  which  St  Paul  proposes  for  himself 
in  this  epistle  is,  of  course,  discrepant  with 
the  forecast  in  1  Cor.  xvi.  6.  But  this  might 
easily  have  been  due  to  circumstances,  which 
often  compelled  St  Paul  to  change  his  plans. 
Apollos  may  have  fallen  in  with  St  Paul, 
perhaps  at  the  time  when  he  (Apollos)  was 
about  to  pay  his  purposed  visit  to  Corinth 
(1  Cor.  xvi.  12),  and  St  Paul  may  have  asked 
him  to  take  Crete  on  his  way.  But  the  rest 
of  the  epistle  is  quite  impossible.  Why 
does    St    Paul     tell    Titus    (i.     5)    what    he 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   317 

already  knew  ?  Had  the  latter  neglected  his 
commission  that  he  must  be  so  plainly  re- 
minded of  it  ?  Why  does  the  Apostle  impart 
to  him  far-reaching  directions  concerning  the 
organisation  of  the  churches  (i.  5-9)  at  the 
very  moment  that  he  is  about  to  recall 
him  ?  Why  does  he  give  such  a  close  descrip- 
tion of  the  false  teachers  (i.  10-16)  when  he 
can  only  have  known  of  them  through  Titus 
himself  ?  This  discrepancy  between  the  differ- 
ent parts  of  our  epistle  is  fairly  easily  removed 
by  the  hypothesis  that  it  is  based  upon  a  small 
letter  from  St  Paul  to  Titus  his  fellow-worker, 
a  letter  which  consisted  of  the  first  words  of 
i.  1  and  i.  1  as  an  address,  and  iii.  12-15.  This 
tablet,  which  St  Paul  sent  to  his  representative 
in  Crete  probably  with  the  very  persons  Xenas 
and  A  polios,  whom  he  commends  to  Titus, 
formed  the;  framework  for  the  instructions  and 
discussions  of  the  present  epistle  in  which  the 
glorified  Apostle  is  made  to  address  himself  to 
the  problems  of  an  essentially  later  date. 

The    condition   ol*    things   is  exactly  similar 


3 1 8    Early   Christian   Literature 

in  the  case  of  the  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy. 
Nearly  all  the  data  so  bountifully  given  in  this 
epistle  suit  excellently  the  presupposed  situa- 
tion of  the  imprisonment  in  Rome,  and  agree 
with  or  can  be  readily  harmonised  with  what 
we  learn  concerning  this  imprisonment  from 
St  Paul's  epistles  to  the  Colossians,  Philippians, 
and  Philemon.  Only  the  notice  in  iv.  20  does 
not  tally  with  Acts  xx.  4  and  xxi.  29  ;  and  the 
idea  of  Timothy's  extreme  youthfulness  which 
might  be  deduced  from  i.  5  (cf.  1  Tim.  iv.  12), 
would  scarcely  suit  one  who  had  already 
travelled  ten  or  twelve  years  with  St  Paul  and 
had  been  constantly  entrusted  with  difficult 
undertakings  by  that  apostle.  But  all  the 
ideas  and  regulations  of  this  epistle  fall  under 
the  same  suspicion  as  that  which  has  been 
already  described.  Hence  we  are  led  to  the 
same  conjecture  as  in  the  case  of  the  Epistle 
to  Titus.  This  epistle  also  is  based  upon  a 
letter,  this  time  a  much  longer  one,  sent  from 
Rome  by  the  captive  Apostle  to  his  fellow- 
worker    who    was    then    in    Ephesus.      This 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   319 

genuine  letter  was  amplified  at  a  much  later 
date  by  regulations  in  which  the  Apostle 
was  intended  to  impart  his  counsel  to  a  later 
generation.  To  this  original  letter  we  may 
without  hesitation  assign  i.  If.,  3-5a,  7  f,  15- 
18;  iv.  6-22  (except  20),  perhaps  also  ii.  1, 
3-1 2a,  from  the  middle  portion  of  our  epistle. 

The  employment  of  genuine  Pauline  letters 
in  the  production  of  a  literary  work  of  this 
kind  is  not  unlike  the  employment  of  the 
Epistle  to  the  Colossians  by  the  author  of 
Ephesians.  Also  the  writer  who  edited  these 
two  small  letters  of  St  Paul  to  his  friends,  and 
composed  1  Timothy,  is  closely  related  in  his 
ideas  to  the  authors  of  Hphesiaus  and  the  Acts 
and  stands  in  about  the  same  relation  as  they 
to  the  great  Apostle  Si  Paul.  Like  the  author 
of  1  Peter,  which  epistle  he  certainly  knew 
and  indeed  used  in  the  composition  of  his 
two  later  epistles,  he  attaches  himself  most 
closely  to  St  Pauls  Epistle  to  the  Romans. 
He   also  shows    some   traces   of  the    influence 

of  the   Epistle  to  the   Hebrews.      Rome   is 


320    Early  Christian  Literature 

the  first  place  that  suggests  itself  for  the 
birthplace  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  because 
2  Timothy,  the  earliest  of  them,  professes 
to  date  from  that  city ;  but  this  would  only 
prove  that  it  is  based  upon  a  genuine  Pauline 
letter  proceeding  from  Rome.  Their  close 
spiritual  affinity  with  Ephesians  and  the  Acts 
points  rather  to  Asia  Minor,  while  their 
relationship  with  Clement  of  Rome  and  the 
strong  tendency  they  manifest  towards  organi- 
sation and  discipline  again  rather  speak  in 
favour  of  Rome.  We  cannot  attain  to 
certainty  on  this  point,  nor  is  it  a  matter 
of  much  importance.  Neither  may  we  hope 
for  a  very  satisfactory  answer  to  the  question 
as  to  what  churches  the  author  had  in  view. 
The  two  earlier  epistles  may  have  been  in 
the  first  place  intended  for  the  countries  to 
which  the  genuine  letters  of  St  Paul,  forming 
their  framework,  were  sent — i.e.  the  Second 
Epistle  to  Timothy  like  Ephesians  for  the 
province  of  Asia,  the  Epistle  to  Titus  for  Crete 
(cj'.  i.  12).     The  First  Epistle  to  Timothy  pro- 


The   Post-Pauline  Literature   321 

bably  was  intended  for  the  instruction  of  the 
whole  of  Christendom.  Again  we  cannot  fix 
definitely  the  date  of  these  epistles.  There  is 
no  reason  to  carry  it  too  far  into  the  second 
century  ;  so  late  a  date  is  indeed  inconsistent 
with  the  absence  of  distinct  reference  to  the 
phenomenon  which  dominated  all  Christian 
controversy  from  the  third  decade  of  the 
second  century  onwards,  the  so-called  Gnosti- 
cism which  is  first  noticed  in  the  last  appendix 
of  the  latest  of  the  epistles  (1  Tim.  vi.  20/!). 
The  Second  Epistle  to  Timothy  may  well  have 
been  about  contemporary  with  the  Acts  and 
Ephesians.  At  a  somewhat  later  date  the 
same  disciple  of  St  Paul  may  have  worked  up 
the  Epistle  to  Titus.  The  First  Epistle  to 
Timothy  may  belong  to  the  second  or  third 
decade  of  the  second  century.  When  the 
various  notices  from  v.  1  onwards  were 
gradually  appended  it  is  impossible  to 
determine. 
This    explanation    of   the    nature    of   the 

Pastoral    Epistles    does    not    deprive  them    of 

21 


322    Early  Christian  Literature 

their  significance,  it  only  changes  the  character 
of  that  significance.  Apart  from  the  proba- 
bility that  we  owe  to  the  two  earlier  epistles 
the  preservation  of  Pauline  fragments  which 
will  ever  remain  precious  because  of  the 
person  from  whose  hand  they  come  and 
upon  whose  career  they  throw  a  clearer 
light,  these  epistles  become,  according  to  the 
opinion  we  have  advanced,  authorities  of 
unique  importance  for  the  gradual  trans- 
formation which  the  ideas  promulgated  by 
St  Paul  underwent  in  the  Greek  world. 
They  show  us  how  much  of  these  ideas  was 
preserved,  how  much  was  still  understood, 
how  much  was  dropped  in  process  of  time ; 
they  witness  to  the  reverence  with  which 
men  regarded  the  great  founder  of  Greek 
Christendom,  to  the  increasing  spiritual  sub- 
jection of  the  later  generations  to  the  mighty 
past — to  the  first  generation  ;  and  they  testify 
to  the  purity  and  force  of  the  conceptions  to 
which  Christians  then  adhered,  conceptions 
still   absolutely   based   upon   religion    though 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature    323 

the  ethical  spirit  was  gradually  taking  the 
first  place.  These  writings  moreover  bring 
before  our  eyes  that  great  transformation 
in  Christendom,  the  last  result  of  which 
was  the  Catholic  Church.  They  show  us, 
as  authentic  witnesses,  how,  under  the  per- 
plexing influence  of  suspicious  phases  of 
Hellenism,  the  need  arose  for  stricter  organi- 
sation of  the  Christian  communities,  for 
closer  adherence  to  the  authorities  of  the 
past,  for  the  creation  of  living  authorities 
which  should  represent  these.  They  show  us 
how  the  purely  religious  interest  gradually  fell 
into  the  background  compared  with  ethical 
and  doc! final  interests,  how  creation  was  re- 
placed by  reproduction,  how  self-confidence 
vanished,  and  how  in  the  place  of  living 
spiritual  forces  now  appeared  ordinances,  ofliccs. 
regulations.  They  form  the  documentary 
evidence  for  the  laying  of  the  foundation-stone 
of  the  Catholic  Church. 


324    Early  Christian   Literature 

Appendix  :  The  Second  Epistle  to  the 
Thessalonians. 

Though  the  book  of  the  New  Testament 
known  as  the  Second  Epistle  to  the 
Thessalonians  may  well  have  been  of  earlier 
date  than  some  of  the  post-Pauline  writings 
that  we  have  discussed  in  this  section,  it 
nevertheless  does  not  lie  in  the  main  line  of 
development  of  primitive  Christianity.  Had 
we  therefore  dealt  with  it  earlier  we  should 
have  disturbed  our  connected  impression  of 
that  development  without  contributing  to  our 
comprehension  of  the  epistle.  It  has  accord- 
ingly been  reserved  for  discussion  in  an 
appendix. 

The  Second  Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians 
stands  in  the  same  relation  to  the  First  Epistle 
to  the  Thessalonians  as  the  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  to  the  Epistle  to  the  Colossians,  as 
the  First  Epistle  to  Timothy  to  its  two  pre- 
cursors, and  as  the  Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter 
stands  to  the  Epistle  of  St  Jude.     It  cannot 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   325 

have  been  written  by  St  Paul.  For  it  is — 
apart  from  the  section  ii.  1-12  for  the  sake  of 
which  it  was  written — nothing  but  an  extract, 
without  a  single  new  thought,  from  the  genuine 
Epistle  of  St  Paul  to  the  Thessalonians,  and  yet 
in  many  a  pi  1  rase  it  betrays  the  presence  of  a 
strange  pen  and  an  alien  spirit — just  as  we 
found  in  the  sections  of  Ephesians  which  had 
been  taken  from  Colossians.  St  Paul  cannot, 
in  addressing  the  same  community  a  second 
time,  have  copied  from  his  own  first  letter 
decking  up  his  earlier  remarks  in  orator's  style, 
and  that  too  occasionally  in  a  language  foreign 
to  himself.  This  is  the  more  suspicious  be- 
cause these  foreign  turns  of  expression  show 
points  of  contact  now  witli  one  now  with 
others  of  I  lie  post-Pauline  writings.  With 
Ephesians  and  the  Pastoral  Epistles  this  work 
coincides  in  the  perversion  of  the  meaning  and 
importance  of  Faith,  ;is  St  Paul  uses  the  word. 
Like  Ephesians,  it  ascribes  to  Christ  a  posi- 
tion of  authority  and  functions  which  St  Paul 
had   still   reserved    lor  God.      Thus  where   the 


326    Early  Christian   Literature 

epistle  copies  from  1  Thessalonians  it  shows  a 
disposition  to  replace  the  word  "  God "  by 
"  The  Lord "  {cf.  ii.  13  with  1  Thess.  i.  4 ; 
iii.  16  with  1  Thess.  v.  23  ;  iii.  5  with  1  Thess. 
v.  24;  cf.  also  ii.  16  with  1  Thess.  iii.  11). 
Indeed,  in  i.  12  Christ  is  most  probably  called 
God.  Like  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  our  epistle 
is  sterner  than  St  Paul  in  its  judgments.  The 
Apostle  himself  could  not  have  written  the 
verses  i.  6,  8 ;  ii.  11  ;  iii.  6,  14.  Remarks  like 
those  of  i.  5,  7,  already  lie  on  the  way  to  the 
later  conception  that  martyrdom  in  itself 
creates  a  right  to  future  glory.  Above  all, 
however,  the  single  original  contribution  of 
our  epistle — the  passage  ii.  1-12,  that  in  its 
construction  reminds  us  of  the  so-called 
apocalypses  (an  example  of  which,  the 
Revelation  of  St  John,  is  preserved  in  the 
New  Testament) — cannot  in  its  details  be 
brought  into  harmony  with  St  Paul's 
occasional  prophecies  of  the  future,  nor  does 
it  in  its  whole  tone,  in  the  bold  definiteness 
of  its   forecasts,  agree   with    the  much  more 


The  Post-Pauline   Literature   327 

reserved  language  of  St  Paul.     The  historical 
presuppositions    of   the    epistle    also    involve 
difficulties.     According  to  ii.  2,  a  letter  falsely 
ascribed    to    St   Paul   seems  to   have   arrived 
at   Thessalonica    at    a   time    when    St    Paul 
himself   probably    first    began    to    write    and 
when    his    epistles    were    certainly    not    yet 
regarded    as    authoritative.     The  Paul  of  our 
epistle  accordingly  finds  it  necessary  to  guard 
against    such    forgeries    by    affixing    his    own 
autograph   (iii.    17) — a  truly  mechanical  pro- 
ceeding for  one  who  could  impress  the  stamp 
of  1 1  is  spirit    upon   every  word    he   used,  and 
might   surely  have  given  his    converts   credit 
for  some  feeling  for  his  inimitable  style  ;  and, 
moreover,  a  sufficiently  useless  safeguard  since  it 
was  certainly  easier  to  imitate  the  handwriting 
than  the  thoughts  of  the  Tent-maker.      Again, 
DO  trace   is   found  here  of  the  fervent  yearning 
to  see  the  Thessalonians  expressed  throughout 
the  first   epistle  although,  according  to  ii.  .5, 

the   Apostle  had  not   visited  Thessalonica  since 
his   first    letter   which    is    referred    to   in    ii.     1.5. 


328    Early   Christian   Literature 

Nor  does  St  Paul's  lively  interest  in  the  affairs 
of  the  Thessalonian  Church  make  itself  felt  in 
our  epistle.  Apart  from  the  references  to 
increasing  persecutions  (i.  4>  //'.)  and  to  doubts 
concerning  the  Second  Coming  of  Christ  (ii. 
1  //.'),  two  phenomena  which  were  probably 
connected  with  one  another,  intimations  only 
of  the  most  general  description  are  given  con- 
cerning the  state  of  affairs  in  the  community. 

The  majority  of  these  difficulties  are  at  the 
same  time  sure  indications  of  a  later  date. 
These  indications  are  reinforced  by  others. 
If  disturbers  of  the  peace  of  the  Church  allege 
that  they  are  endued  with  the  Apostle's  spirit 
and  appeal  to  the  authority  of  his  own  written 
teaching,  the  conception  of  the  nature  of 
apostleship  implied  by  such  proceedings  is 
quite  impossible  at  the  time  of  the  beginning 
of  the  Pauline  mission  and  can  only  harmonise 
with  the  conceptions  and  opinions  of  a  later 
generation  as  represented  in  Ephesians  and 
the  Pastoral  Epistles.  The  author  himself 
stands  upon  the  same  footing  as  those  false 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   329 

teachers ;  therefore  the  Paul  of  this  epistle 
professes  only  to  repeat  what  he  has  said 
before.  This  Paul  ever  appeals  to  himself. 
Like  the  Paul  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles  he 
binds  his  readers  to  a  tradition  (ii.  15;  cf. 
also  iii.  6)  such  as  could  not  have  existed  in 
St  Paul's  life-time,  which,  however,  in  the 
following  generation  was  conjured  up  whenever 
need  arose.  Finally,  a  small  trait,  which  does 
not  fit  in  well  with  the  character  of  the  real 
St  Paul,  namely,  the  forcing  his  own  person 
into  the  picture  of  the  heavenly  rest  reserved 
for  the  readers  (i.  7).  is  seen  in  a  very 
attractive  light  if  the  Apostle  himself  was 
then  in  fruition  of  the  rest  which  they 
thereafter   would    share  with   him. 

Though  all  these  things  point  to  the 
Conclusion  thai  this  short  letter  was  first 
written    after   the   death   of  St    Paul,  yet   it 

affords  us  no  dear  indications  by  which 
we  can  fix  its  date  more  exactly.  Its 
many  points  of  contact  with  the  Book  of 
Revelation,    in    which    it     strangely    surpasses 


330    Early   Christian   Literature 

all  the  other  epistles  of  St  Paul,  suggest  at 
least  the  latest  period  of  Domitian's  reign. 
For  certainly  the  dependence  lies  not  on  the 
side  of  that  most  original  work  but  on  the 
side  of  our  short  letter — an  opinion  which 
is  supported  by  the  fact  that  where  the 
subject  of  the  two  writings  is  the  same  the 
ideas  of  our  epistle  belong  to  a  more  developed 
stage.  Also,  the  persistent  persecutions  which 
are  presupposed  in  i.  4  ff.  point  to  the  time 
of  the  Book  of  Revelation  and  of  1  Pet. 
iv.  17.  The  expressions  and  ideas  of  i.  12 
even  remind  us  of  St  John  xvii.  10,  xx.  28. 
On  the  other  hand  the  expression  "  Temple 
of  God "  (ii.  4),  occurring  in  a  common 
apocalyptic  figure  which  is  derived  from 
the  Book  of  Daniel,  proves  nothing,  the 
less  so  since  St  Paul  himself  had  called 
the  Christian  community  a  Temple  of  God. 
The  aim  also  of  the  epistle  betrays  a  fairly 
iate  date.  It  is  intended  to  confirm  the 
wavering  faith  of  those  who  were  perplexed 
by     the    continuous     postponement     of    the 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   331 

Second  Coming  of  Christ,  and  at  the  same 
time  to  soothe  a  too  impatient  and  excited 
feeling  of  expectancy  which,  according  to  ii.  2, 
had  been  stirred  up  by  many  who  appealed  to 
the  authority  of  St  Paul.  In  a  passage  which 
may  be  purposely  obscure,  of  which  we  in 
these  days  at  least  can  give  no  certain  inter- 
pretation, the  cause  of  this  delay  is  stated. 
Doubts  of  this  kind  are  first  combated  in  the 
very  late  Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter.  If  the 
interpretation  of  the  details  of  prophecy  of  the 
future  given  in  ii.  1—12  were  somewhat  more 
certain,  we  should  gain  therefrom  information 
that  would  enable  us  to  ascertain  more 
accurately  the  date  of  our  epistle.  As  it  is, 
there  is  QO  reason  of  any  kind  for  fixing  it 
later  than  the  time  of  Domitian. 

It  is  not    difficult    to   understand   why  our 
author  calls  St   Paul  above  all  others  to  his  aid, 

and  is  more  especially  dependent  upon  his 
Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians.  In  the  first  place, 
the   disturbing    party    had    appealed    to    the 

authority  of  St  Paul.      Again,  the  only  written 


332    Early  Christian   Literature 

documents  of  the  first  generation  dealing  with 
the  Second  Coming  proceeded  from  his  pen. 
It  seemed  therefore  best  to  represent  the 
Apostle  as  interpreting  and  correcting  his  own 
utterances.  Moreover,  the  Epistle  to  the 
Thessalonians  among  all  the  epistles  of  St 
Paul  contained  the  very  exhortations  which 
now  seemed  necessary,  and  was  also  the  only 
epistle  which  gave  detailed  information  con- 
cerning the  Second  Coming.  It  was  besides 
less  well  known  than  the  great  epistles. 

The  acceptance  of  our  epistle  by  Christen- 
dom without,  so  far  as  we  know,  a  trace  of 
objection,  is  easily  explained  by  the  fact  that 
its  contents  satisfied  a  pressing  need  of  the 
times.  Now  that  two  generations  had  already 
past  since  the  death  of  our  Lord,  it  served 
on  the  one  hand  to  explain  the  delay  in  the 
Second  Coming  which  threatened  to  over- 
throw the  faith  of  many  in  the  whole  con- 
ception, and  on  the  other  hand  it  served  to 
calm  the  minds  of  those  who  under  the  stress 
of  persecution   were  looking   forward   to   the 


The  Post-Pauline  Literature   333 

Coming  of  the  Lord  with  an  expectation  that 
was  only  the  more  excited  and  intense  because 
of  continual  disappointment ;  and  yet  while 
performing  both  these  functions  it  preserved 
the  hope  itself  bright  and  clear.  Such  an 
epistle  only  serves  to  mark  a  stage  in  the 
gradual  ebb  of  the  enthusiasm  with  which 
early  Christians  looked  forward  to  the  Second 
Coming,  and  as  an  example  of  the  way  in 
which  they  accommodated  themselves  to  the 
course  of  events. 


IV 

THE    JOHANNINE    LITERATURE 

We  now  approach  a  group  of  writings  which 
are  much  more  closely  related  to  one  another 
than  those  of  the  post-Pauline  group,  which 
are  indeed  so  nearly  homogeneous  that 
tradition  itself  has  comprehended  them  under 
the  name  of  one  author — St  John.  While 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the  First  Epistle 
of  St  Peter,  the  Epistle  to  the  Ephesians,  and 
the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  are  only  allied  in 
spirit,  the  writings  of  this  group  stand  to 
one  another  as  it  were  in  blood  relationship. 
The  former  writings  are  like  scattered  isolated 
ruins  from  which  the  excavators  of  the  city 
of  Primitive  Christianity  can  reconstruct  for 
themselves  the  style  of  the  buildings  and  the 
line  of  the  streets  in   the   parts  of  the  city 

334 


The   Johannine   Literature    335 

built  by  the  second  generation ;  in  the  latter 
group  we  as  it  were  come  upon  ruins,  in 
better  preservation  and  still  lying  in  position, 
which  bring  before  our  eyes  some  quarter 
of  the  city  in  all  its  completeness  and 
peculiar  character.  It  occupies  the  loftiest 
eminence  in  the  district — thitherward  con- 
verge all  those  streets  whose  traces  are  still 
discernible.  We  have  indeed  before  us  the 
remains  of  what  was  once  a  glorious  temple. 
We  cannot  decide  at  first  glance  whether  in 
all  its  parts  it  was  the  work  of  the  same 
architect,  we  can  only  perceive  that  however 
various  the  buildings  and  however  different 
the  material  used  in  them  they  nevertheless 
all  belong  to  the  same  school  of  architecture. 

But  in  spite  of  this  strongly-marked  and 
distinctive  character,  the  circle  of  Christen- 
dom whence  sprang  the  Johannine  literature 
shows   a   marvellous   combination   of  original 

creative    power    with    many-sided    receptivity. 

Though  its  creations  arc  marvellously  different 

in    character,    yet    each    is    in     its    way    quite 


336    Early  Christian   Literature 

unique.      The   two    small   epistles   known    in 
the  New  Testament  as  the  second  and  third 
epistles     of    St   John    are     alone     somewhat 
analogous  to  the  epistles  of  St  Paul  to  Phile- 
mon, Timothy,  and  Titus,  in  so  far  as  we  are 
still  able  to  distinguish  the  two  last  under  the 
accretions  of  later  days.     The  so-called  First 
Epistle  of  St  John  may  be  best  compared  to 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  and  like  it  lacks 
an  address.     But  while  in  the  latter  we  see  the 
epistle  passing  over  into  the  style  of  a  sermon, 
in    the    former    the    epistolary    character    is 
entirely  absent.     The  two  most  characteristic 
and  important  productions  of  this   circle,  the 
Revelation  and  the  Gospel,  have  no  parallels 
in    the    literature    of    primitive    Christianity. 
The     Revelation     introduces    into     Christian 
literature   a    characteristic    type    of    contem- 
porary Jewish  literature.     In  the  Gospel,  Greek 
literary  forms  combine  with  the  typical  forms 
of  Christian  Gospel   literature   to   produce   a 
creation    of    unique    character.      The   many- 
sidedness  of  this  circle  of  Christendom  is  still 


The  Johannine  Literature    337 

more  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that  while 
the  Book  of  Revelation  is  pervaded  by  the 
spirit  of  Palestine,  the  Alexandrian  point  of 
view  is  prominent  in  the  Gospel.  And  yet 
both  writings  share  essentially  the  same 
conception  of  Christianity. 

We  may  infer  that  it  is  by  no  mere  accident 
that  the  writings  of  this  school  have  experienced 
many  alterations  in  their  text.  The  two  most 
important  later  interpolations  in  writings  of  the 
New  Testament  are  found  in  the  Gospel  and 
in  the  First  Epistle  of  St  John,  namely,  the 
Adulteress  section  of  St  John  (vii.  53-viii.  11) 
and  the  Three  Witnesses  of  1  St  John  v.  8. 
To  this  number  may  be  added  the  embel- 
lishment of  the  text  of  St  John  v.  4  and 
a  striking  number  of  very  early  conflicting 
readings.  Hut  even  before  the  reception  of 
these  writings  into  the  Canon  the  Gospel  had 
been  amplified  by  an  appendix  (chap,  xxi.), 
to  which  verses  24  f.  were  probably  added 
at  a  later  time,  while  the  Book  of  Revelation 
had  suffered  a   slight   revision   at    the   hands 


3  3  8    Early  Christian   Literature 

of  an  editor  who  added  the  introduction 
(i.  1-3)  and  the  conclusion  (xx.  18-21),  in 
which  he  sought  to  guard  the  book  from 
further  changes.  Again,  1  John  v.  14-21 
also  gives  the  impression  of  an  appendix. 
May  we  be  allowed  to  make  the  same 
suggestion  in  the  case  of  the  famous  pro- 
logue to  the  Gospel  (i.  1-18)  which  stands 
in  such  contrast  to  the  rest  of  that  work  ? 
These  writings  must  therefore  have  been 
regarded  as  a  kind  of  common  property  by 
the  circle  whence  they  sprang. 

1.  The  Book  of  Revelation. 

A  late  offshoot  of  the  ancient  prophetic 
literature  of  Israel — a  spiritual  movement 
whose  first  beginnings  go  back  to  the  time 
of  the  Exile  (Ezekiel — about  580  B.C.),  which 
however  under  the  Syrian  tyranny  took 
fresh  root  in  the  Book  of  Daniel  (164  B.C.) — 
has  in  this  book  been  transplanted  into  the 
fertile   soil   of    Christianity.      The    name    of 


The   johannine   Literature    339 

the  book  describes  the  characteristics  of  the 
type  of  literature  it  represents.  This  so-called 
apocalyptic  literature  professes  to  proclaim 
revelations  which  have  been  vouchsafed  as 
visions  to  the  writer  while  in  a  state  of  ecstasy. 
These  visions,  however,  do  not  reflect  abiding 
truths  but  coming  events  of  history ;  hence 
the  writer  generally  takes  his  stand  in  a  time 
more  or  less  remote  in  order  that  he  may  thus 
view  events  which  are  already  past  as  still 
lying  in  the  future.  He  also  manifests  the 
deficient  self-confidence  of  a  secondary  genera- 
tion by  clothing  himself  in  the  prophet's 
mantle  of  one  of  the  revered  forms  of  a 
grander  period.  The  symbolic  imagery 
under  which  he  sees  these  events  is  of  the 
most  varied  origin  ;  many  of  the  symbols 
belong  to  the  most  primitive  creations  of 
the  religious  fancy  which  have  survived 
ages  of  national  catastrophe  and  social 
revolution  and  have  been  handed  on  in 
varied  form  as  patriarchal  heirlooms  to  later 
generations.     They   appear   again    and    again 


340    Early  Christian   Literature 

in  the  works  of  writers  of  the  most  different 
character,  though  often  with  different  signi- 
fications. Many  traits  of  these  symbols 
belong  to  a  fixed  traditional  form.  The  seer 
notes  them  in  his  vision  without  connecting 
with  them  any  definite  meaning.  Again  a 
later  writer  often  borrows  whole  groups  of 
imagery  from  a  predecessor  without  troubling 
himself  in  the  least  about  their  significance. 

These  writings  often  seem  to  reveal  to  us 
a  spirit  of  powerlessness  and  perplexity  in 
the  face  of  the  future — a  spirit  which  de- 
spairingly and  convulsively  clings  to  fantastic 
hopes  as  the  continuation  of  a  great  past  as 
fantastically  conceived.  We  seem  often  to 
hear  in  them  the  shrill  and  bitter  cry  of 
one  who  has  lost  faith  in  all  earthly  things, 
even  in  himself.  And  yet  they  are  all  in- 
spired by  a  courageous  faith  that  God  does 
ever  by  His  secret  counsel  guide  the  universe 
towards  a  wondrous  consummation — a  faith 
deep  and  sincere  though  it  has  not  power 
to    bring   God,   who  is  enthroned   in   highest 


The  Johannine   Literature    341 

heaven  and  abides  in  immutable  quiescence 
far  removed  from  the  things  of  time,  into 
touch  with  earthly  things,  and  hence  must 
postulate  a  motley  host  of  heavenly  beings 
as  the  agents  of  His  Providence.  But  the 
apocalyptic  writer  has  nevertheless  come 
into  personal  touch  with  the  Eternal.  This 
it  is  which  lends  to  his  piety  that  inward 
life  and  warmth  which  distinguish  it  from  the 
formal,  cold,  calculating  legality  into  which 
the  piety  of  those  centuries  threatened  to 
crystallise.  In  the  lava  stream  of  Apocalypse 
there  still  glows  the  fire  from  the  deep. 

The  strong  social  convulsions  which  recurred 
with  ever-increasing  suddenness  and  violence 
during  the  last  two  centuries  of  Jewish  national 
life  \\<ie  ;il n inst  always  accompanied  by  erup- 
tions of  apocalyptic  literature.  These  writ- 
ings prepared  the  ground  for  the  Christian 
religion.     The  Baptist  himself  belongs  in  spirit 

to    the    apocalyptic    school,   though    he    never 

took  pen  in  band  and  ever  held  aloof  from  the 

form.'tl  imagery  and  wild  fancy  of  the  ordinary 


342    Early  Christian  Literature 

Apocalypse.  Indeed,  our  Lord's  proclamation 
of  the  coming  kingdom  and  His  demand  that 
men  should  repent  and  believe  in  the  good 
news  are  in  closer  relationship  to  this  spiritual 
tendency  than  to  any  other  among  the  Jewish 
people.  St  Paul  is  more  of  a  Pharisee  and 
Rabbi ;  and  yet  the  apocalyptic  mood  was 
not  foreign  to  one  who  experienced  revelations 
in  which  he  knew  not  whether  he  was  in  or 
out  of  the  body  (2  Cor.  xii.  1  ff\),  who  pro- 
claims mysteries  (1  Cor.  xv.  51 ;  Rom.  xi.  25), 
and  uses  the  imagery  which  we  meet  with  in 
1  Thess.  iv.  15-17  and  1  Cor.  xv.  23-28. 
Passages  of  apocalyptic  origin  have  even  crept 
into  the  compilation  of  sayings  of  our  Lord  in 
the  Gospels — for  instance  St  Mark  xiii.  7-8, 
14-27,  and  probably  other  passages  here  and 
there.  The  group  of  writings  including 
Hebrews,  1  Peter,  Ephesians,  and  the  Acts 
is  practically  free  from  apocalyptic  influence, 
and  yet  even  here  we  come  across  a  slight 
trace  in  such  passages  as  Hebrews  xii.  22- 
27;    1    Peter    iii.    19,    22;    Ephes.    vi.    12  f., 


The  Johannine  Literature    343 

i.  9  f.,  iii.  3.  On  the  other  hand  the  Second 
Epistle  to  the  Thessalonians,  in  ii.  1-12 — 
the  only  section  which  is  not  derived  from  1 
Thessalonians — the  Epistle  of  St  Jude,  and  the 
Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter  are  all  full  of  the 
apocalyptic  spirit.  Indeed,  in  the  first  and  last 
at  least  of  these  three  late  epistles  the  great 
apostles  of  the  past  are  represented,  in  true 
apocalyptic  fashion,  as  revealing  mysteries 
with  a  view  to  the  solution  of  the  problems 
that  faced  a  later  generation. 

Hut  the  Christians  were  also  acquainted  with 
Jewish  apocalypses.  According  to  Origen, 
]  Cor.  ii.  9  conies  from  the  Apocalypse  of 
Elijah  and  likewise  2  Tim.  iii.  8  from  another 
apocalypse.  In  St  Jude  9,  1  I,  apocalypses  are 
quoted.  I'apias  (;ibout  1.50)  even  quotes  a  pass- 
age from  the  Apocalypse  of  Baruch  as  a  saying 
of  our  Lord.  In  later  days  .Jewish  apocalypses 
were  edited  in  a  more  or  less  Christian 
sense.  Indeed,  Christians  themselves  produced 
apocalypses— such  as  the  Apocalypse  of  St 
Peter,    which    was    written    probably     in     the 


344    Early   Christian   Literature 

East  at  a  much  later  date  ;  also  the  Roman 
work  "  The  Shepherd  of  Hernias,"  which  is 
however  somewhat  distinct  in  character  from 
the  ordinary  apocalypse ;  and  above  all  our 
Book  of  the  Revelation  of  St  John. 

This  Christian  Apocalypse  manifests  in  a 
specially  distinct  form  the  common  character- 
istics of  all  apocalypses — that  artificial  inter- 
mingling of  imagery  from  the  most  different 
sources,  that  want  of  continuity  which  prevents 
all  comprehension  of  the  work  as  a  consistent 
whole  and  renders  whole  passages  absolutely 
unintelligible  in  the  situation  presupposed  by 
their  context.  In  contrast  to  an  ordinary 
dwelling-house  built  according  to  a  definite 
plan  and  in  one  consistent  style,  this  book  may 
be  compared  to  some  castle  which  for  centuries 
has  gradually  extended  itself  as  the  formation 
of  the  ground  and  the  existing  buildings 
allowed,  where  tower  crowds  upon  tower, 
courtyard  succeeds  courtyard,  gable  rises  above 
gable  in  quaint  confusion,  where  passages  run 
up  and  down,  in  and    out,    so   that    one   can 


The   johannine   Literature    345 

scarcely  find  one's  way,  with  here  and  there 
niches  in  the  half-light  where  upon  the  walls 
appear  pictures  dim  with  age,  often  grotesque, 
often  gloomy,  concerning  many  of  which  none 
can  tell  whom  they  represent.  Sometimes 
the  forms  are  gentle  and  attractive,  sometimes 
they  are  stern  and  terrible. 

If  we  read,  for  example,  the  letters  to  the 
Seven  Churches  in  chaps,  ii.-iii.  and  then 
chaps,  xii.-xiii.,  we  feel  ourselves  in  two  differ- 
ent worlds  were  it  not  that  over  them  both 
stretches  the  same  bright  heaven.  The  forms, 
the  imagery,  the  interests,  the  tendencies  are 
different  in  each  case.  Here  blazes  the  flame 
of  fanaticism  there  breathe  soft  and  gentle 
breezes.  Here  all  seems  so  strange,  so 
Oriental     there  so  familiar,  so  Western,  if  we 

may  use  the  word.  It  was  long  before  scholars 
discovered  the  solution  of  this  enigma.  We 
now   know   that   the   Christian    author    of    this 

book  has  not  only  derived  from  Judaism  his 
literary    form,   his   fantastic  imagery,  and  his 

peculiar   tendency,   but    that    he    has    even   in- 


346    Early   Christian  Literature 

corporated  into  his  work  a  Jewish  writing,  a 
Jewish  Apocalypse.  Accordingly  this  book  is 
the  first  instance  of  a  later  phenomenon  which, 
as  we  have  said,  constantly  repeated  itself  in 
later  days.  Very  diverse  opinions  still  exist  as 
to  the  unity  and  extent  of  the  Jewish  portions 
of  the  Book  of  Revelation,  but  their  actual 
presence  is  beyond  dispute.  For  instance  in 
chap.  xii.  the  birth  of  the  Messiah,  which  for 
Christians  lay  in  the  past,  is  proclaimed  as  a 
promise.  Of  course  a  Jewish  Apocalypse 
could  not  be  accepted  into  a  book  written  for 
Christians  without  occasional  alterations  in  text, 
but  if  this  be  once  admitted  then  there  is  no 
more  difficulty  in  perceiving  that  the  main 
portion  of  the  book,  from  chap.  viii.  on  towards 
the  end,  is  a  Jewish  work  in  which  here  and 
there  Christian  light  and  shade  is  worked  into 
the  Jewish  pictures.  And  in  this  procedure 
the  Christian  editor  has  employed  quite  simple 
expedients  which  he  for  the  most  part  uses 
again  and  again.  Thus  from  his  repertory  of 
Christian  symbolism  he  inserts  "  the   Lamb " 


The   johannine   Literature    347 

for  Christ  wherever  Christian  ideas  demanded 
it.  No  defect  in  the  picture  ever  results  from 
the  removal  of  this  term  and  its  corresponding 
idea.  One  need  only  make  an  experiment 
with  xii.  11,  xiii.  8,  xiv.  10,  xv.  3,  xvii.  14. 
Often  indeed  its  insertion  creates  monstrosi- 
ties that  are  intolerable  even  in  the  case  of 
apocalyptic  fantasy :  such  are  "  The  Marriage 
of  the  Lamb"  (xix.  7),  "  The  Bride— the  Wife 
of  the  Lamb"  (xxi.  9),  "The  Book  of  Life 
of  the  Lamb'  (xiii.  8,  xxi.  27;  in  xiii.  8  it 
might  seem  that  in  the  present  text  the  words 
"  from  the  beginning  of  the  world '  are  to 
be  joined  with  the  word  "  slain  "),  "  The  Glory 
of  God  did  Lighten  it  (the  heavenly  Jerusalem) 
and  the  lamp  thereof  is  the  Lamb"  (xxi.  2.'3  ; 
cf.  xxii.  5).  Religious  custom  which  lias 
endeared  such  phrases  to  us  has  often  hidden 
from  us  their  inward  impossibility.  But  still 
more  often  it  is  quite  obvious  to  us  that  the 
idea  of  the  Lamb  is  interpolated  into  a 
passage;  thus  in  xii.  22,  "The  Lord  God, 
the  Almighty  is  their  temple  and  the   Lamb": 


348    Early  Christian   Literature 

in  xxi.  3,  "  The  Throne  of  God  and  of  the 
Lamb."  One  who  is  Almighty  can  be 
pictured  as  a  Temple,  but  not  so  a  lamb  ; 
a  throne  befits  the  idea  of  God  but  not  the 
idea  of  a  lamb. 

Similarly  the  name  Christ  is  occasionally 
inserted ;  thus  in  xi.  15,  where  a  Christian 
would  never  have  applied  to  God  the  term 
"  our  Lord " — the  favourite  title  for  Christ 
and  that  too  in  close  connection  with  the 
words  "  His  Christ " ;  and  again  the  singular 
number  in  the  following  words  "  and  He 
shall  reign,"  shows  that  two  rulers  of  the 
kingdom  had  not  been  before  mentioned. 
The  idea  that  is  here  interpolated  comes  from 
xii.  10,  where  it  is  consistent  with  the  context 
as  also  in  xx.  4.  Moreover,  the  name  "  Word 
of  God"  (xix.  13)  evidently  does  not  belong 
to  the  original  form  of  the  passage  in  which 
it  occurs  ;  for  according  to  verse  12  no  one 
knows  the  name,  and  if  the  prophet  had 
intended  to  interpret  it  he  would  not  have 
inserted  a  description  of  the  clothing  between 


The   Johannine   Literature    349 

the  interpretation  of  the  name  and  his  descrip- 
tion of  the  diadems  bearing  the  name.  Similar 
anomalies  accompany  two  occurrences  of  the 
word  "Apostles."  On  the  first  occasion 
(xviii.  20)  "the  Apostles"  can  well  be  omitted 
between  "  the  Saints  ''  and  "  the  Prophets," 
seeing  that  in  other  places  (xi.  18,  xvi.  6, 
xviii.  24)  "Saints  and  Prophets"  is  shown  to 
be  a  fixed  formula,  while  in  Ephes.  ii.  20 
"Apostles  and  Prophets"  is  shown  to  have 
been  a  Christian  formula.  On  the  second 
occasion  (xxi.  14)  they  spoil  the  metaphor. 
If  the  gates  or  the  angels  at  them  are 
inscribed  with  the  names  of  the  twelve  tribes 
of  [srael,  then  the  foundations  of  the  walls 
that     unite    I  hem    cannot    bear    the    names   of 

the  twelve  Apostles  of  the  Lamb.  We  note 
moreover  that  these  foundations  are  described 
afterwards  and  thai  a  separate  precious  stone 

is  assigned  to  each  of  them.  Again  in  chaps, 
viii.-xxii.  we  often  meet  with  a  formula  which 
has  probably  been  inserted  by  the  Christian 
editor,   in   order    to   Christianise    his   work.      It 


350    Early   Christian  Literature 

occurs  in  i.  9  and  vi.  9,  where  the  Christians 
are  said  to  suffer  "  for  the  Word  of  God  and 
the  testimony  of  Jesus."  It  stands  in  the 
reverse  order  in  xx.  4,  where  it  has  not  in  the 
least  been  prepared  for  by  chaps,  xiii.-xix., 
and  where  if  omitted  it  would  not  be  missed. 
But  it  is  possible  that  this  phrase  may  have 
been  based  upon  the  vocabulary  of  the  Jewish 
Apocalypse,  if  indeed  the  words  of  xii.  11 
"  for  the  word  of  their  testimony  "  belong  to 
this  writing.  ( Of.  however  our  remarks  later. ) 
Likewise  in  xix.  10  the  phrase  "the  testi- 
mony "  is  found,  here  only  with  the  epithet 
"  of  Jesus,"  although  it  does  not  appear  in  the 
exactly  similar  passage  xxii.  9.  It  seems  that 
"  the  testimony "  belonged  to  the  original 
Jewish  Apocalypse,  while  the  note  which 
follows  and  expounds  the  idea  that  has  been 
now  altered  by  the  addition  of  the  epithet 
belongs,  together  with  the  epithet,  to  the 
Christian  editor.  This  view  is  supported  by 
xi.  7.  We  cannot  decide  for  certain  whether 
in  xii.  17  and  xiv.  12  the  whole  phrase  "  which 


The   Johannine   Literature    351 

keep  the  commandments  of  God  and  hold 
the  testimony  (the  faith)  of  Jesus,"  or  only 
the  second  clause,  is  to  be  assigned  to  the 
Christian  editor.  The  first  clause  is  shown 
by  1  John  iii.  24  and  v.  2  f.  to  belong  to 
the  Johannine  vocabulary,  but  it  may  also 
have  been  derived  from  the  Jewish  Apocalypse. 
We  may,  however,  be  quite  certain  that  the 
words  of  xvii.  0  "  and  of  the  blood  of  the 
witnesses  of  Jesus"  are  an  interpolation  due 
to  the  Christian  editor,  for  the  reference  to 
Jesus  is  absolutely  foreign  to  the  whole 
context. 

Beside  these  isolated  phrases  whose  inter- 
polation gives  a  different  significance  to  the 
whole  scene,  we  find  only  very  few  passages 
where  Christian  thoughts  or  conceptions 
surprise  us  by  their  appearance  in  a  world 
of  alien  ideas.  In  the  first  place,  xvii.  14  is 
certainly  not  original   in   its  present  context. 

The  anticipation  of  the  greal  title  which  is 
introduced    with   such  solemnity  in   xix.    L6,   is 

as  improbable  as  its  application  to  a  Iamb   is 


352    Early   Christian  Literature 

unnatural ;  and  the  announcement  of  a 
victorious  conflict  of  this  Lamb  with  the 
Beast  spoils  by  anticipation  the  grand  effect 
of  the  scene  depicted  in  xix.  11.  As  in  xii. 
11,  the  Christians  are  represented  as  having  a 
share  in  the  victory.  But  xii.  11  is  without 
doubt  a  Christian  interpolation,  since  the  idea 
of  a  victory  won  by  the  Christians  is  quite 
foreign  to  the  context,  while  the  expression 
"  the  blood  of  the  Lamb "  appears  elsewhere 
only  in  vii.  14,  and  the  words  "they  loved 
not  their  life  even  unto  death  "  remind  us  of 
St  John  xii.  25  and  Rev.  ii.  10.  Next  it  is  a 
question  whether  the  whole  section  xiv.  1-5, 
which  is  out  of  harmony  with  its  context, 
does  not  belong  to  the  Christian  editor. 
However,  the  Jewish  Apocalypse  just  here  is 
itself  only  a  mosaic  of  passages  very  loosely 
connected  together.  If  xiv.  1-5  belonged  to 
the  original  Jewish  source,  then  in  verse  1  "  a 
lamb "  must  be  read  for  "  the  Lamb,"  and 
what  follows  must  be  read  in  an  abbreviated 
form — "  which  have  a  name  written  on  their 


The  Johannine  Literature    353 

foreheads "  corresponding  to  xix.  12 ;  and  in 
verse  4  we  must  delete  "  and  unto  the  Lamb  " 
at  the  end,  and  also  the  words  "these  are 
they  which  follow  the  Lamb  whithersoever 
He  goeth,"  which  as  they  stand  come  too 
early  in  the  passage.  Then  this  section 
might  well  be  the  original  source  of  the 
metaphor  of  "  the  Lamb "  which  dominates 
the  imagination  of  the  Christian  editor. 

The  remaining  passages  of  a  Christian 
tendency  in  chaps,  viii.-xii.  probably  belong 
not  to  this  first  Christian  editor  but  to  a  final 
editor,  who  gave  its  present  form  to  the  original 
Revelation  of  St  John  which  began  with  i.  4 
and  included  the  .Jewish  Apocalypse.  That 
the  book  received  such  a  final  revision  before 
it  attained  wide  publicity  cannot  be  doubted. 
As  shown  above  (pp.  887,/.),  this  revision  can 
be  traced  at  the  beginning  and  end  of  the 
book.  In  i.  I  3  this  final  editor  gives  the 
book    an    amplified    title,    and    invokes    upon 

the   readers  a   blessing  which   appears   t<>  be 

imitated    from    (he    concluding  section   (w.    7) 

88 


354    Early   Christian  Literature 

of  the  book  he  is  editing.     At  the    end    he 
attaches  a  warning  (xxv.   18  f.)  in  which  he 
betrays  what    he    himself   has    done,  though 
he  knew  that  he  was  justified  in  doing  it — 
the   warning   against   any  alteration,  whether 
by  addition  or  subtraction,  in  the  form  he  had 
given  to  the  book.     In  verse  20  he  therefore 
repeats  the  concluding  knell  of  verses  7  and 
12,  and  removes  to  the  end  the  final  greeting 
(21)  which  probably  belonged  to  the  original 
Apocalypse,  corresponding  as  it  does  to  i.  4-6, 
and  indeed  closely  agreeing   with   the   greet- 
ing of  Hebrews  xiii.  25.     On  the  other  hand 
the    verses    from    xxii.   11,  or   at   least   from 
verse    14   onwards,    may  be   ejaculations   and 
words  of  warning   attached  to   the   work  by 
owners  or  readers  of  the  book  which  the  editor 
shrank  from  deleting.     For  verses  14  f.  only 
emphasise     once     again     impressive     phrases 
from  vii.  14;  xxii.  2;  xxi.   12  /!,  27,  8;  verse 
16a  is  a  generalisation  of  xxi.    6  connecting 
with  i.  1,  and  emphasising  the  Seven  Epistles 
of  chaps,  ii.-iii.  (here  regarded  as  addressed  to 


The  Johannine   Literature    355 

the  readers)  as  the  most  important  part  of 
the  book ;  verse  166  is  a  reminiscence  of  v.  5, 
ii.  28  ;  verse  17  of  xiv.  13,  xxi.  9,  6,  St  John 
vii.  37.  Verses  12-13  may  likewise  be  only  a 
collection  of  marginal  notes,  verse  12  derived 
from  xxii.  7,  hi.  11,  ii.  23  (cf.  Isaiah  xl.  10), 
and  verse  13  from  xxi.  6,  i.  17,  ii.  8.  And 
moreover,  the  strange  exhortation  of  verse  11, 
which  would  seem  to  be  in  a  more  intelligible 
position  after  verse  12,  may  also  have 
originated  in  some  reader  who  had  Daniel 
xii.   10  in  his  mind. 

These,  however,  are  questions  which  do  not 
affect  the  character  of  the  book  as  a  whole. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  possibility  that  the 
editor  who  has  at  I  ached  the  preface  and  con- 
clusion to  the  Book  of  Revelation  may  also 
have  interpolated  passages  in  the  text  of  the 
hook,  is  a  mailer  of  serious  importance.       Nor 

e;in  there  be  any  doubt  thai   he  has  done  so. 

We  discover  his  hand  most  clearly  in  short 
notes,  explaining  expressions  whose  signifi- 
cance lie  thinks  the  readers  would  not  under- 


356    Early  Christian   Literature 

stand,  which  in  many  cases  are  not  accom- 
modated to  the  grammatical  construction  of 
the  whole  passage.  Such  are : — the  explana- 
tory notes  v.  6,  8 ;  xxi.  8,  which  are  inserted  in 
the  form  of  a  relative  clause  ;  probably  also  the 
note  of  xx.  14  introduced  by  the  words  "this 
is " ;  the  qualifying  clause  in  the  nominative 
case  "  which  cometh  down  from  Heaven  from 
my  God  "  (iii.  12  from  xxi.  2) ;  "  the  old  serpent 
(xx.  2  from  xii.  9)  which  is  the  devil  and 
Satan  "  (both  these  terms,  which  were  in  use 
among  early  Christians,  have  also  probably 
been  inserted  by  this  editor  in  xii.  9)  ;  the  notes 
of  xix.  8,  10,  and  perhaps  also  of  ix.  19,  which 
are  introduced  by  the  word  "  for  "  ;  the  gloss 
in  xi.  8, k'  where  also  their  Lord  was  crucified  "  ; 
and  perhaps  also  the  explanation  of  the  Taber- 
nacle in  xiii.  6.  Moreover,  some  other  notices 
tending  to  edification  give  rise  to  the  impression 
that  they  have  been  added  by  a  reader  who 
was  probably  the  final  editor.  Again  in  xxi. 
5-6,  "  And  he  that  sat  upon  the  throne  said : 
See,  I    make  all   things  new,"  and  "  And  he 


The   Johannine   Literature    357 

said  :  They  are  come  to  pass,"  two  sentences 
which  sound  the  solemn  knell  of  a  departing 
world,  are  separated  from  one  another  by  a 
clause  which  seems  derived  from  xix.  9.  Also 
xiii.  9  /!  breaks  the  context  and  seems  to  be  a 
note  addressed  to  the  Christian  reader,  like 
xxii.  11.  The  exclamation  at  the  end  of  verse 
10,  "  Here  is  the  patience  and  the  faith  of  the 
saints,"  may  be  derived  from  xiv.  12  ;  while 
the  addition  of  "  faith  "  in  the  former  passage 
may  have  given  occasion  in  xiv.  12  to  the 
substitution  of  "faith"  for  "testimony"  in 
the  characteristic  phrase  of  the  author  of  the 
Christian  Apocalypse,  which  is  here  shown  by 
its  nominatival  construction  to  be  a  marginal 
note  of  the  final  editor.  Further,  some 
beatitudes  which  perhaps  have  their  original 
iti  xix.  \)  and  xxii.  7  arc  suspicious  seeing  that 
they  disturb  the  context;  such  are:  xvi. 
15,  where  the  beatitude  is  besides  introduced 

by  ;i  reminiscence  of  iii.  .*{.  which  echoes  of 
a  saying  of  our  Lord  (St  Luke  xii.  89);  SO 
also  xx.  <;.  and  perhaps  xiv.  18.     Finally,  the 


358    Early   Christian   Literature 

collection  of  passages  from  St  Matt.  xxiv.  30, 
Rev.  xxii.  13,  i.  4,  and  iv.  8,  which  appears  at 
i.  7  f.  and  is  out  of  connection  there,  would 
seem  to  have  been  originally  a  marginal  note. 
Some  of  these  interpolations,  so  far  as  they  are 
found  in  chaps,  viii.-xxii.,  may  not  be  due  to 
the  final  editor,  but  may  have  been  already 
inserted  by  the  author  of  the  Christian 
Apocalypse.  This  is  a  matter  that  can  scarcely 
be  definitely  settled,  nor  does  its  decision  affect 
the  main  question. 

If  we  now  delete  these  insignificant  items 
we  have  in  viii.  1-xxii.  5  an  apocalypse  in 
no  point  distinct  from  other  Jewish  apoca- 
lypses, and  showing  in  its  construction  and 
in  its  whole  material  absolutely  no  trace  of 
characteristically  Christian  ideas.  Whether 
this  Apocalypse  already  existed  as  a  whole 
when  it  was  incorporated  into  the  work  of 
.John,  the  author  of  the  Christian  Apocalypse, 
is  a  matter  of  indifference.  This  is,  however, 
the  simplest  hypothesis,  nor  can  any  weighty 
objection  be  brought  against  it.     Naturally  this 


The  Johannine  Literature    359 

Apocalypse,  like  others  of  its  kind,  is  not  an 
homogeneous  work  but  is  composed  of  all 
manner  of  traditional  apocalyptic  material. 
Nevertheless  we  trace  in  it  a  distinct  develop- 
ment of  events  ;  and  the  compilation  of  such 
a  book  consisting  of  passages  of  the  most 
varied  origin,  to  the  exclusion  of  any  con- 
siderable Christian  element,  is  only  probable 
as  the  work  of  a  Jewish  author — indeed, 
it  is  scarcely  intelligible  as  the  work  of  a 
Christian. 

But  though  it  is  certain  that  chaps,  viii.- 
xxii.  were  originally  a  Jewish  production  which 
has  been  edited  in  many  parts  in  a  Christian 
sense  still  the  Christian  author  by  incorporating 
this  writing  into  the  literature  of  Christendom 
and  by  Leaving  much  in  it  unchanged,  has  de- 
clared his  belief  in  its  main  substance.  I  Icnce  a 
sketch  of  this  Jewish  Apocalypse  conies  within 
the  province  of  the  historian  of  Primitive 
Christian  Literature.     We  must   Leave  out  of 

account     the   question     whether   the   beginning 
of  this  Apocalypse   has   come  down    to   us   mi- 


360    Early  Christian   Literature 

altered.  The  section  vii.  1-12  at  all  events 
belongs  to  it,  for  the  scenes  describing  the 
opening  of  the  seals  were  evidently  composed 
by  the  Christian  author  (John)  to  form  a  transi- 
tion from  his  own  work  to  the  incorporated 
Jewish  work,  and  the  idea  of  the  sealing  of  the 
144,000  does  not  harmonise  well  with  that  of 
the  unsealing  of  the  book ;  and  besides,  the 
whole  thought  of  the  section  is  Jewish.  More- 
over, seeing  that  the  introductory  scene  of 
this  section  is  in  close  connection  with  the 
tremendous  convulsions  of  nature  depicted  in 
vi.  12-17,  we  may  conjecture  that  all  that 
John  introduces  in  connection  with  the  open- 
ing of  the  sixth  seal  was  the  overture  to  the 
Jewish  Apocalypse.  It  is  in  favour  of  this 
view  that  vivid  descriptions  of  convulsions  in 
the  realm  of  nature,  such  as  those  of  vi.  12-17, 
which  are  practically  made  up  of  quotations 
from  the  prophets,  are  a  very  favourite 
ingredient  of  Jewish  apocalpytic  literature. 
Of  course  here  also  "  the  Lamb "  of  verses  9 
and  10,  as  verse    12    clearly   shows,    must  be 


The   Johannine   Literature    361 

deleted  as  an  interpolation  of  John  the 
Christian  author;  while  verses  13-17  are  his 
Christian  interpretation  of  the  initial  vision, 
and  viii.  1  is  interpolated  by  him.  again  serv- 
ing to  unite  his  work  with  the  Jewish  writing. 
Accordingly  we  find  that  these  mighty 
convulsions  in  the  world  of  nature  and  the 
sealing  of  the  Israelites  who  are  to  be  saved 
out  of  all  lands,  form  the  prelude  to  this  Jewish 
apocalyptic  drama  which  opens  with  seven 
trumpet-blasts.  The  colourless  events,  taken 
from  the  traditional  repertory  of  apocalyptic 
literature  which  accompany  the  first  four 
blasts  (viii.  (\  18),  only  form  the  introduction, 
as  is  shown  by  the  three  woes  of  the  flying 
eagle  (viii.  L8),  which  prepare  for  the  three 
following  blasts.  'Flic  fifth  and  sixth  blasts 
then  announce  a  savage  host  with  Apollyon 
the  destroyer  as  their  leader,  in  which  the 
Parthians  are  probably  depicted  (ix.  I  12),  and 
an  allied  army  of  ghastly  spirits  (ix.  18  21) 
whose  fearful  ravages  have  no  effect  in  turn- 
ing Rome  from  idolatry  and  from  all  manner  of 


362    Early   Christian   Literature 

wickedness.  Just  as  the  last  three  blasts  were 
prepared  for  by  the  scene  of  the  flying  eagle 
(viii.  13),  so  now  the  yet  more  solemn  scene  of 
the  book  that  is  devoured  (x.  1-11)  leads  up  to 
the  climax  of  the  last  trumpet-blast.  But 
first  comes  the  scene  of  the  two  witnesses 
(xi.  1-14),  again  evidently  a  piece  by  itself 
that  has  only  been  inserted  here  by  the 
author  of  the  Apocalypse.  Now  at  last,  with 
the  seventh  blast  (xi.  15),  begins  the  Messianic 
epoch  solemnly  proclaimed  by  the  hymns  of 
verses  15  and  17  f.  and  by  the  appearance  of 
the  Ark  of  the  Covenant  (19).  The  first  act 
comprises  the  birth  of  Messiah  and  His 
persecution  by  the  devil,  who  has  been  driven 
from  heaven  (xii.  1-17),  and  by  the  Roman 
Empire  together  with  all  the  powers  of 
heathendom,  to  which  the  devil  has  committed 
his  authority  (xiii.  1-18).  If  xiv.  1-5  belongs 
to  the  Jewish  Apocalypse,  then  Messiah  now 
appears  upon  Mount  Zion  in  likeness  of  a 
Lamb  (in  contrast  to  the  beast  which 
personifies   the   Roman   Empire),    and    round 


The   Johannine   Literature    363 

Him  are  gathered  the  144,000  who  have 
been  sealed.  The  second  act  deals  with  the 
judgment  upon  Rome  (here  named  Babylon), 
which  is  announced  in  xiv.  6-13.  This  judg- 
ment is  consummated  by  means  of  the  out- 
pouring of  seven  vials  of  wrath  (xv.  1),  and  is 
introduced  by  the  hymn  of  the  victors  (xv. 
2-4),  which  forms  as  it  were  an  anticipatory 
overture.  The  first  four  vials  again  introduce 
the  formal  terrors  of  the  ordinary  apocalypse 
(xv.  5-xvi.  9).  With  the  fifth,  however,  dark- 
ness settles  down  upon  the  impenitent  throne 
of  Rome  (xvi.  10  /!).  With  the  sixth  the 
kings  of  the  East  approach  from  the  Euphrates 
(xvi.  12).  Home  summons  the  whole  world 
to  her  side  against  theni  (xvi.  \X  J.).  The 
battlefield  where  the  opposing  armies  meet  is 
called  Harmagedon  (xvi.  16).  With  the  out- 
pouring of  the  seventh  vial  the  cities  of  the 
heathen  fall  and  Home  is  divided  into  three 
parts  (xvi.  17  21  :  probably  an  allusion  to  the 
three  opposing  emperors  (ialba,  Otlio.  and 
Vitellius).      And  now  the  storm   of  judgment 


364    Early  Christian  Literature 

breaks  over  Rome  (xvii.  1-xix.  10).  The 
beast,  without  doubt  Nero  (xvii.  13,  17),  in 
alliance  with  the  ten  kings  of  the  East 
(xvii.  12),  completes  the  work  of  destruction. 
Whilst  the  world  is  filled  with  mourning 
(xviii.  9-19)  the  Jews  now  rejoice  in  the  day 
of  vengeance  upon  their  cruel  enemies 
(xviii.  1-8,  20  ;  xix.  2).  That  the  overthrow 
is  final  is  shown  by  the  curse  (xviii.  21-24) 
and  the  hymn  of  triumph  (xix.  1-8).  The 
establishment  of  the  Messianic  kingdom  now 
forms  the  third  act,  which  is  announced  by  the 
Hallelujah  (xix.  G-8)  and  the  scene  9-10.  From 
the  opened  heavens  appears  the  King  of  kings 
and  Lord  of  lords  riding  upon  a  white  horse, 
with  the  armies  of  heaven  (xix.  11-16)  to 
destroy  the  victors  (17-21).  Now  Satan  also 
is  bound  (xx.  1-3).  For  a  thousand  years  the 
faithful  reign  with  Messiah  over  the  earth 
(4-6) ;  then  comes  the  last  decisive  conflict  with 
Satan,  who  has  been  released,  and  with  the  con- 
federate nations  Gog  and  Magog  whom  he  has 
called  to  his  aid  from  the  ends  of  the  earth. 


The   Johannine   Literature    365 

It  ends  with  their  destruction  and  Satan's 
everlasting  imprisonment  in  the  lake  of  tire 
(xx.  7-10).  Now  the  dead  are  raised  and  the 
judgment  is  set  (11-15).  And  the  great  drama 
closes  with  the  renewal  of  the  world  (xxi.  1-5) 
which  has  its  centre  in  the  new  Jerusalem 
(xxL  9-xxii.  5). 

It  is  a  noble  drama  that  we  have  before  us, 
one  which,  in  spite  of  the  fixed  traditional 
form  of  much  of  its  material,  shows  wonderful 
consistency  in  its  development.  It  is  indeed 
the  most  precious  jewel  in  the  glittering 
necklace  of  Jewish  apocalypses. 

\o  trait  in  its  imagery  leads  us  beyond  the 
narrow  horizon  of  Jerusalem  or  the  year  of  the 
destruction  of  that  city  by  Titus.  The  tone 
is  one  of  the  bitterest  despair  which  has  lost 
all  hope  in  human  power  and  looks  lor  help 
only    from    the    powers    of   the    world    above. 

Nero  with  the  Parthians  must  overthrow  Home, 
then  Messiah  will  destroy  him.  The  Jews 
must  meanwhile  wait  and  pray  with  patience 
and  allow  themselves  to  be  slaughtered.      The 


366    Early   Christian   Literature 

date  of  the  book  can  be  exactly  determined. 
According  to  chap.  xi.  the  city  of  Jerusalem 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  foe;  but  the  Temple 
still  holds  out  and  the  author  is  sure  that  it 
will  not  fall.  This  Apocalypse  was  therefore 
written  between  May  and  August  of  the 
year  70  a.d. 

Twenty  years  later  the  Christians,  those  at 
least  of  the  province  of  Asia,  found  themselves 
in  a  very  similar  situation.  They  were 
devoted  to  destruction  unless  they  joined  in 
worship  of  the  Emperor.  The  deadly  foe  is 
again  the  Roman  Empire  and  its  head,  this 
time  Domitian.  Christ  their  Lord  delays  His 
Coming.  The  yearning  prayer  "  Come  Lord 
Jesus "  runs  through  their  ranks.  "  See  I 
come  quickly"  sounds  the  answer  to  their 
faith.  What  light  must  have  been  thrown 
upon  this  situation  by  the  Apocalypse  which 
once  sought  to  bring  consolation  to  the  Jews 
during  the  terrible  summer  months  of  the  year 
70  a.d.  !  Surely  all  those  fervent  and  daring 
hopes  which  had  not  then  been  realised  must 


The  Johannine  Literature    367 

now  be  fulfilled.  So  long  as  their  fulfilment 
was  delayed  the  book  was  like  an  unexecuted 
testament  sealed  with  seven  seals.  It  now 
falls  into  the  hands  of  a  Christian  named 
John ;  now  the  seven  seals  are  about  to 
be  broken.  In  the  signs  of  the  times  he  sees 
as  it  were  the  breaking  of  the  seals — that  is, 
the  approaching  fulfilment  of  the  apocalyptic 
vision.  Of  course  this  vision  must  be  rightly 
understood.  It  is  concerned  not  with  the  Jews 
but  with  the  Christians,  the  true  heirs  of  the 
promise  ;  indeed,  in  their  obstinate  persecution 
of  the  Christians  the  Jews  have  hitherto 
shown  themselves  to  be  a  Synagogue  of  Satan 
hi.  9,  iii.  9). 

And  now  this  John,  whose  devoted  adherence 
to  the  faith  of  Jesus  has  involved  him  in 
banishment  to  Patmos  (i.  9),  is  himself  rapt 
away  by  the  apocalyptic  spirit.  He  himself 
receives  similar  revelations  to  confirm  him  in 
the  right  understanding  of  that  Apocalypse 
and  in  the  certainty  that  its  prophecies  would 
reach     fulfilment.       He    dedicates    his    whole 


368    Early   Christian  Literature 

work  to  the  churches  of  the  seven  cities  of 
the  province  of  Asia  (i.  4-6).  This  dedication 
broadens  out  into  seven  earnest  faithful  letters 
to  these  churches  which  clearly  reflect  the 
peculiar  conditions  of  each  (ii.  1-iii.  22),  and 
which  his  Lord  as  it  were  dictates  to  him  in 
a  glorious  vision  which  he  experiences  one 
Sunday  (i.  9-20).  Then  a  new  vision  (iv.  1-11) 
forms  the  transition  to  the  scene  of  the  unsealing 
of  the  Apocalypse  (v.  1-14).  The  breaking 
of  the  first  four  seals  introduces  in  each  case 
only  ordinary  apocalyptic  occurrences  pictured 
in  the  well-known  scenes  of  the  four  horsemen 
(vi.  1-8) — like  the  first  four  trumpet-blasts  and 
vials  in  the  Jewish  Apocalypse.  With  the 
breaking  of  the  fifth  seal  the  martyrs  that  have 
been  slain  receive  white  robes,  and  are  comforted 
by  being  told  that  they  need  only  rest  yet  a 
little  time  before  their  number  should  be 
fulfilled  (vi.  9-11).  And  now — if  our  former 
attempt  to  discover  the  beginning  of  the  Jewish 
Apocalypse  is  correct — with  the  breaking  of 
the  sixth  seal  the  introductory  vision  of  that 


The  Johannine   Literature    369 

Apocalypse  opens  before  us  (vi.  12-vii.  12). 
One  of  the  elders  of  chap.  iv.  gives  John  its  right 
interpretation.  At  the  breaking  of  the  seventh 
seal  there  is  at  first  a  long  silence  (viii.  1); 
then  the  drama  of  the  Jewish  Apocalypse 
opens  with  the  seven  trumpet-blasts.  When 
this  is  brought  to  its  conclusion  at  xxii.  5, 
there  follows  a  strong  affirmation  that  all  is 
true  and  must  shortly  come  to  pass  :  "  Blessed 
is  he  that  keepetli  the  words  of  the  prophecy 
of  this  book"  (xxii.  G  /!).  Then  John  yet 
again  appears  before  his  readers  and  relates — 
still  keeping  to  the  simile  of  the  sealing  of  the 
Jewish  Apocalypse — that  it  had  been  told  him 
"  Seal  not  up  the  words  of  the  prophecy  of 
this  book:  for  the  time  is  at  hand "  (8-10). 
Whether  in  the  following  verses  this  or  that 
trait,  and  also  most  probably  verse  21,  belongs 
to  John,  or  whether  all  belongs  to  the  final 
editor,  is  a  question  which,  as  we  have  shown 

above,  must  be  left  open. 

Thus  Christendom  came  by  its  Apocalypse 

and  therewith  entered  upon  the   inheritance  of 

.'I 


370    Early  Christian  Literature 

a  tangled  mass  of  Jewish  fantasies,  which  ever 
lure  the  imagination  into  an  unsubstantial 
cloudland — a  confused  medley  of  symbolism 
glowing  through  and  through  with  the  hot 
colours  of  human  passion,  though  somewhat 
softened  under  the  brush  of  the  Christian 
artists  who  appropriated  it,  which  in  spite 
of  all  that  is  bizarre  is  happily  not  wanting  in 
a  certain  trait  of  grandeur.  But  therewith 
Christendom  also  entered  upon  the  possession 
of  symbolic  pictures  of  the  aims  of  all  human 
yearning  and  endeavour,  of  refined  and 
etherialised  beauty,  such  as  piety  purified  in 
the  furnace  of  affliction  can  alone  create, 
which  have  ever  shone  and  do  still  shine  like 
the  stars  in  heaven  to  guide  the  faithful  in 
their  earthly  pilgrimage  towards  eternity. 
These  Jewish  fantasies  impelled  a  Christian 
of  wonderful  power  and  purity  of  imagination 
to  creations  no  less  noble,  which  in  refined 
taste  and  sense  of  harmony  are  far  superior 
to  the  Jewish  work  which  gave  the  impetus 
to   their   production.     Indeed    the  epistles  to 


The  Johannine  Literature    371 

the  Seven  Churches — in  spite  of  an  admixture 
of  apocalyptic  symbols  which  just  here  are 
somewhat  awkwardly  inserted,  and  leaving 
quite  out  of  account  their  importance  as 
original  authorities  for  the  history  of  the 
churches  of  Asia  Minor  in  the  last  decade  of 
the  first  century — in  their  combination  of 
ethical  austerity  with  real  tenderness  and 
warmth  of  religious  feeling  are  worthy  to  be 
regarded  as  among  the  most  precious  records 
of  primitive  Christian  faith  and  aspiration 
afforded  us  in  the  New  Testament.  More- 
over, these  Jewish  visions  of  mighty  events  in 
the  sphere  of  universal  history,  which  were 
adopted  by  the  Christians  just  when  they 
were  suffering  under  the  cruel  pressure  of 
persecution  ;it  the  hands  of  the  great  world 
and  its  ruling  powers,  strengthened  and 
broughl  into  clearer  consciousness  among 
them  the  disposition  to  consider  Llieir  rela- 
tion to  their  social  environment — a  disposition 

which  is  manifested  in  the  other  documents  of 
the   period  of  Uomitian    that  we  have  already 


372    Early  Christian  Literature 

discussed.  They  were  thus  taught  to  think 
historically  and  to  bring  their  society  into 
connection  with  the  great  movements  of 
universal  history.  They  were  thus  prepared 
to  take  part  in  that  history,  though  indeed 
with  aims  that  in  many  points  originated  in 
the  Jewish  rather  than  in  the  Christian 
religion.  Finally,  through  the  influence  of 
this  book,  a  gift  from  Judaism,  the  gaze  of 
Christians,  which  in  the  development  of  the 
Gospel  literature  had  been  firmly  fixed  upon 
the  mighty  past,  ever  again  turned  with 
yearning  towards  the  future ;  and  thus  hope, 
the  very  life-breath  of  all  and  especially  of 
Christian  piety,  was  strengthened  within 
them. 

Let  us  here  conclude  with  a  brief  note  con- 
cerning the  points  in  which  the  Jewish  part 
of  our  work  is  sharply  distinguished  from  that 
belonging  to  John  the  Christian  author.  (1) 
Quotations  from  the  Old  Testament  in  the 
Johannine  portion  are  constantly  made  accord- 
ing to  the  Septuagint,  while  in  the  Jewish  por- 


The  Johannine  Literature    373 

tion  the  Hebrew  Text  is  taken  into  account. 
(2)  The  Johannine  sections  give  evidence  of 
tolerable  literary  skill — except  the  Address 
(i.  4—6).  which  is  evidently  written  purposely 
in  a  somewhat  disjointed  style — while  the 
Jewish  sections  are  full  of  Aramaisms  and 
grammatical  blunders.  (3)  In  the  Johannine 
sections  universalism  is  a  matter  of  course  (v.  9 
//.'.  vii.  13//.') ;  the  other  sections  are  exclusively 
Jewish.  ( 4 )  The  former  are  bitter  only  against 
Jews,  the  latter  are  full  of  fury  but  only  against 
the  Gentiles.  (5)  The  former  speak  of  Jesus, 
the  latter  only  of  Christ.  (6)  In  the  Johan- 
nine part  Jesus,  in  the  Jewish  part  God  is  the 
Judge.  7)  In  the  former  the  Gentiles  are 
saved,  in  the  latter  they  are  judged.  (8)  In 
the  latter  Messiah  is  a  war  lord  girt  with  the 
sword,  in  the  Conner  He  is  a  land).  (0)  In  the 
latter  He  saves  by  slaughter,  in  the  former  by 
His  own  death.  (10)  In  the  Latter  the 
symbolism  is  taken  from  the  Temple  and  its 
serviees.  in  the  former  from  the  worship  of  the 

Christian  churches.     (11)  The  Johannine  part 


374    Early   Christian   Literature 

has  few,  while  the  Jewish  part  has  abundant 
points  of  contact  with  other  Jewish  apocalypses. 
(12)  In  the  Johannine  part  acquaintance  with 
St  Paul  can  be  constantly  traced,  but  never  in 
the  Jewish  part. 


2.  The  Second  and  Third  Epistles  of 

St  John. 

The  two  small  Epistles  which  tradition 
assigns  to  St  John,  whose  style  indeed  marks 
them  as  belonging  to  the  Johannine  school, 
were  written,  as  the  address  shows,  by  a  man 
who  was  known  under  the  name  of  "  the 
Elder."  Their  similarity  is  very  striking.  In 
the  address  of  each  the  recipient  is  assured 
that  the  Elder  "loves  him  (her)  in  truth"; 
both  begin  with  the  statement  that  the  writer 
rejoices  greatly  in  his  friend's  walk  in  the 
truth ;  while  at  the  end  of  both,  just  before 
the  concluding  greetings  and  with  very  slight 
verbal  variation,  we  read  that  the  author  had 
yet  many  things  to  write,  but  would  not  write 


The   Johannine   Literature    375 

them  with  pen  and  ink  since  he  hoped  to 
come  himself  shortly  and  to  speak  face  to 
face.  This  is  more  strange  in  that  as  regards 
the  rest  of  their  content,  which  deals  with 
very  concrete  questions,  these  letters  are 
sharply  distinct  from  one  another.  One  is 
directed  to  a  Church  and  all  its  members  under 
the  name  of  "  an  elect  lady  and  her  children," 
the  other  is  a  purely  personal  letter  to  a 
certain  Gains ;  hence  in  the  first  letter  the 
address  is  long  and  solemn  in  tone,  while  in 
the  second  letter  it  is  short  and  concise.  The 
one  speaks  in  quite  general  terms  of  the  duties 
of  the  community,  the  other  deals  exclusively 
with  the  conduct  of  particular  personages  men- 
tioned by  name.  Nevertheless,  the  aim  which 
impelled  the  Elder  to  write  is  fundamentally 

the  same  in  both  cases.  In  the  general  epistle 
the  occasion  of  its  writing  is  clearly  expressed. 

False  teachers   have  arisen   who   confess  not 

Jesus  as  Christ  come  in  the  flesh  (7  9).  The 
Elder  therefore  desires  that  the  Church  should 
not  receive  such  men,  should   not  even  greet 


376    Early  Christian   Literature 

them  (loy!).  The  epistle  to  Gaius  assures  the 
recipient  that  he  does  well  in  showing  hospitality 
to  the  brethren  and  setting  them  forward 
on  their  journey,  seeing  that  they  journeyed 
"for  the  sake  of  the  Name."  The  writer 
states  that  he  has  also  written  a  letter  to  the 
Church  (9).  However  a  certain  Diotrephes, 
who  wishes  to  keep  for  himself  the  pre-eminence, 
rejects  the  intervention  of  the  writer  and  his 
friends,  receives  not  the  brethren,  and  hinders 
others  from  doing  so  (10).  Demetrius,  on  the 
other  hand,  is  of  quite  another  character ;  he 
has  the  best  witness  (12).  The  greeting  passes 
only  from  friends  to  friends  (14).  The  simi- 
larity of  the  two  epistles  makes  it  very 
probable  that  they  stand  in  close  relationship 
to  one  another.  The  explanation  that  this 
similarity  is  due  to  the  rigid  habit  of  old  age 
leaves  out  of  account  the  liveliness  of  style  and 
wealth  of  expression  which  characterise  the 
main  portions  of  each  epistle.  The  true 
explanation  is  at  once  given  by  the  further 
content  of  the  two  writings.     From  this  we 


The   Johannine   Literature    377 

see  that  the  two  letters  followed  one  close 
upon  the  other ;  the  second  to  Gaius  is  in- 
tended to  replace  the  first  which  Diotrephes 
had  intercepted.  Diotrephes  is  either  a 
partisan  of  the  false  teachers,  or  at  all  events 
an  opponent  of  the  Elder.  He  will  not  suffer 
the  latter  to  lecture  him  before  his  flock  ;  and 
therefore  he  even  denies  hospitable  reception 
in  the  Church  to  the  brethren  that  come  to 
him  with  the  Elder's  commendation.  As  the 
letter  to  the  Church  did  not  attain  its  end,  the 
Elder  turns  to  a  faithful  friend  in  that  Church 
and  as  a  matter  of  course  repeats  to  him  the 
personal  notices  of  his  first  letter.  While  in 
this  first  letter  lie  wished  to  prevent  the 
entrance  of  "  the  Antichrists  "  into  the  Church, 
so  he  would  now  secure  the  admission  of 
those  holding  his  own  news.  Indeed,  one 
receives  the  impression  thai  this  Diotrephes 
was  spiteful  enough  to  fulfil  the  Elder's  wish 
that  "the  Antichrists "  should  he  rejected  by 
rejecting  all  brethren  that  came  from  other 
churches. 


37^    Early   Christian  Literature 

There  is  no  ground  for  assuming  that  the 
situation  presupposed  in  these  epistles  is 
fictitious,  that  the  anonymous  Elder  or  the 
unnamed  Church  or  the  personages  designated 
by  name  existed  only  in  the  brain  of  the 
writer.  All  is  actual  fact.  But  where  did 
it  take  place  ? — and  when  ?  The  letters 
scarcely  afford  us  sure  ground  for  an  answer 
to  these  questions.  All  is  possible  within  the 
limits  of  "the  Johannine  school."  Nothing 
compels  us  to  place  these  letters  at  a  late 
date.  St  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians 
already  shows  us  similar  discords  in  the 
churches.  The  heresy  that  Jesus  is  not  the 
Christ  is  the  primitive  thesis  of  all  adversaries 
of  the  new  Christian  community.  The 
letters  make  us  acquainted  with  a  man  of 
patriarchal  authority  within  a  wide  circle,  like 
Timothy  and  Titus  of  the  Pastoral  Epistles, 
whose  determining  influence  in  the  churches 
is  opposed  by  local  leaders. 


The  Johanninc   Literature    379 

3.  The  First  Epistle  of  St  John. 

The  so-called  First  Epistle  of  St  John  neither 
bears  the  name  of  John  nor  is  it  an  epistle.  It 
continues  the  line  of  development  begun  in 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  and  is  simply  a 
written  sermon  with  universal  address,  the 
most  ancient  encyclical  of  the  Christian 
Church.  Indeed  it  is  even  scarcely  this ;  for 
it  is  not  an  unity  but  a  series  of  cycles  of 
thought.  Yet  these  cycles  are  so  nearly 
related  to  one  another  that  their  boundaries 
constantly  overlap.  The  same  ideas  and 
the  same  catchwords  repeat  themselves  in 
the  different  cycles.  All  individual  traits  are 
wanting ;  only  general  ideas  are  brought  into 
comparison  with  one  another.  Neverthe- 
less the  author  knows  the  readers  whom  he 
addresses,  and    he   helieves  that    his  word   has 

authority  with  them,     tie  often  us<s  the  first 
person  (ii.  L/.,  12    14,20;  v.  L8).      He  calls  his 

readers     "his    children'     (ii.    1),     more    often 
simply  "children"  (ii.    12,   is,  28;    iii.  7,   IS; 


380    Early   Christian   Literature 

v.  21).  also  "  beloved  "  (ii.  7  ;  iii.  2,  21  ;  iv.  1,  7, 
11),  once  only  "  brethren "  (iii.  13).  On  one 
occasion  he  appeals  to  them  separately,  accord- 
ing to  the  distinction  of  age  calling  them 
"fathers"  and  "young  men"  (ii.  13  /!). 
However,  he  generally  prefers  to  include  his 
readers  with  himself  under  the  general  term 
"  we,"  for  to  regard  this  word  as  referring  only 
to  the  writer  means  to  charge  him  with 
obscurity.  Nor  does  a  single  passage  give 
us  sufficient  justification  for  assuming  that 
"  we  "  is  intended  to  distinguish  the  writer  and 
a  few  like-minded  brethren  from  the  ordinary 
members  of  the  churches,  though  of  course 
what  is  asserted  of  "  we "  as  applied  to  the 
whole  Christian  community  does  not  all  apply 
to  each  individual  member.  Thus  it  was 
possible  for  Christendom  to  say  of  her  Lord, 
"  That  which  we  have  heard,  that  which  we 
have  seen  with  our  eyes,  that  which  we  beheld 
and  our  hands  have  handled"  (i.  1),  even  though 
no  single  individual  now  lived  upon  earth  to 
whom  these  words  could  literally  apply. 


The  Johannine  Literature    381 

Leaving  out  of  consideration  the  intro- 
ductory and  concluding  notices  (i.  1-4,  v.  14- 
21)  we  can  distinguish,  with  a  fair  degree  of 
certainty,  three  cycles  of  thought  in  this 
epistle.  (1.)  In  i.  5-ii.  28  the  idea  of  a  "  heaven 
of  good  and  evil "  is  combated.  First  it  is 
shown  (i.  5-ii.  17)  that  sin  is  something  that  no 
longer  exists  for  Christians  (i.  5-ii.  2),  that 
rather  the  Christian  declares  himself  to  be  a 
Christian  in  the  fulfilment  of  the  command- 
ments of  Christ  which  are  summed  up  in  Love 
(2-11);  then  comes,  in  spite  of  the  proclama- 
tion of  forgiveness  of  sins,  a  most  earnest 
moral  exhortation  (12-17).  This  is  followed 
by  a  warning  against  those  who  deny  that 
Jesus  is  the  Christ  (18-28),  with  a  reference 
at  the  beginning  and  the  end  to  the  Last  Day 
and  the  Second  Coming.  How  this  polemical 
part  connects  with  the  first  part  will  become 
clear  as  we  proceed.  (2.)  ii.  29  iii.  22.  Here 
the  claim  of  morality  is  more  sharply  defined 
first  more  formally,  as  "  doing  righteousness" 
(ii.  29   iii.   I<>),  with  evident  point  againsl  those 


382    Early  Christian   Literature 

who  thought  themselves  raised  far  above  moral 
claims ;  then  more  inwardly,  as  the  exercise 
of  Love  (iii.  11-18) ;  again  with  a  concluding 
thought  (iii.  19-22),  reminding  us  of  the  first 
cycle,  that  we  may  assure  our  heart  before 
God  even  though  our  heart  condemn  us. 
( 3. )  iii.  23-v.  13.  H  ere  the  subject  of  discussion 
is  the  mutual  relationship  existing  between 
faith  in  Jesus  as  the  Christ  and  the  fulfilment 
of  His  command  of  love,  two  demands  which 
have  already  appeared  as  complementary 
aspects  of  the  whole  content  of  Christianity 
(besides  ii.  18-28,  also  i.  7  ;  ii.  2  /.,  6,  12 ;  iii. 
1-3,  16).  The  circles  of  thought  here  intersect 
one  another.  After  the  theme  has  been  set 
in  iii.  23 — first  (a)  it  is  emphatically  stated  (iii. 
24-iv.  6)  that  the  co-existence  of  faith  and  love 
is  the  sign  of  the  presence  of  the  true  spirit 
of  God — a  thought  which  reappears  in  iv.  13 
and  v.  1,  6,  8,  10.  Then— (b)  the  importance 
of  loving  one  another  is  discussed  from  all  sides 
(iv.  7-v.  4) — the  phrase  "to  love  one  another" 
is,  with  the  exception  of  iii.  11,  peculiar  to  the 


The  Johannine  Literature    383 

third  part;  this  virtue  answers  to  the  nature 
of  God  (iv.  8-10),  and  therefore  only  he  who 
abides  in  Love  abides  in  God  (11-16) ;  and 
again  we  are  told  that  such  an  one  alone  can 
stand  in  the  Judgment  (VI  f.)  ;  indeed,  love  for 
God  and  love  for  one  another  are  really  the 
same  thing  (iv.  19- v.  2) ;  the  concluding  verses 
v.  3  f.  sum  up  the  passage.  Finally  (c)  it  is 
shown  (v.  5-13)  how  only  faith  in  Jesus  as  the 
Christ  and  fellowship  with  Him  in  Baptism 
and  the  Lords  Supper  can  render  the  soul 
capable  of  this  love.  What  now  follows  in 
v.  11-21,  like  the  conclusion  of  the  Hook  of 
Revelation,  gives  the  impression  of  a  series  of 
notes  or  extracts  made  by  some  reader.  The 
first  note  ( 11  17)  connects  with  the  end  of  the 
second  part  (iii.  21/1),  taking  up  phrases  there- 
from.     It    is    concerned   with    establishing    an 

exception  to  the  assurance  that  prayer  will  be 
heard,  and  in  form  and  content  it  is  distinct 
from  the  rest  of  the  epistle  {e.g.  cf.  17  with  iii. 
4).  The  second  note  (18  20),  with  the  words 
"we    know      three    times    repeated,    contains 


384    Early   Christian   Literature 

extracts  from  some  of  the  chief  thoughts  of 
the  epistle,  just  as  if  some  reader  had  wished 
to  make  an  abstract  of  what  he  had  learned 
from  the  work.  The  first  extract  (18),  ethical 
in  its  purport,  is  from  iii.  9;  the  second  (19), 
religious  in  its  purport,  is  from  iv.  2 ;  while  in 
each  case  an  allied  thought  is  added.  Then 
in  verse  20  the  foundation  of  the  position  of 
18-19  is  given  in  three  clauses :  the  Son 
of  God  has  come  (cf.  iv.  2) ;  He  has  given 
us  understanding  to  know  Him  (cf.  iii.  24, 
iv.  13) ;  we  are  in  Him  (if  ii.  24).  Then 
comes  a  profession  of  faith  (20d)  founded 
upon  i.  2 : — This  is  the  true  God  and 
eternal  life.  Often  the  statements  of  this  last 
section  come  nearer  to  those  of  the  Gospel 
of  St  John  than  to  the  corresponding  ones  in 
the  foregoing  epistle.  Thus  compare  verse  18 
with  St  John  xiv.  30,  verse  19  with  St  John 
xvii.  15  f,  verse  20  with  the  "  1  come"  of  St 
John  viii.  42 ;  again  verse  20,  "  to  know  Him 
that  is  true,"  with  St  John  xvii.  3,  and  with 
the  concluding  profession  of  faith  (20d)  compare 


The  Johannine  Literature    385 

St  John  vii.  28.  Besides  these,  there  are  some 
other  expressions  which  are  alien  to  the  main 
portion  of  the  epistle  though  they  might  easily 
have  suggested  themselves  to  the  author.  The 
connection  of  the  final  exhortation  (21)  with 
the  rest  of  the  epistle  has  always  been  felt 
perplexing.  If  we  take  it  as  an  epigrammatic 
statement  by  some  reader  of  that  which  one 
principally  learns  from  the  epistle,  then  it 
becomes  intelligible.  The  idol  is  the  Christ 
in  distinction  from  .Jesus  proclaimed  by  the 
false  teachers ;  perhaps  it  may  also  signify 
their  fondly-imagined  freedom  from  sin. 
Our  interpretation  of  this  concluding 
lamation  certainly  describes  the  peril 
which  our  author  was  chiefly  concerned  to 
coi  11  bat.  Indeed  the  essential  unity  of  the 
whole   epistle,   which   is   controversial    rather 

than  doctrinal  ill  character,  lies  in  this  pur- 
pose of  the  writer.  However,  the  ideas  that 
are  attacked  are  not  held  by  the  readers 
but  only  threaten  to  perplex  them.  The 
writer    addresses    them     in     tones    of    tender 


386    Early   Christian  Literature 

affection  and  absolute  trust.  The  false 
teachers  have  indeed  proceeded  from  among 
the  Christians  but  are  not  of  them  (ii.  19) ;  they 
are  false  prophets  (iv.  1),  Antichrists  (ii.  18, 
22 ;  iv.  3),  however  much  they  boast  of  their 
possession  of  the  Spirit  and  of  their  esteem  in 
the  eyes  of  the  world  (iv.  1-5).  Their  false 
teaching  consists  of  two  propositions.  One 
belongs  to  the  moral  sphere  :  they  know  no 
sin  (i.  8,  iii.  7),  and  the  result  is  love  of  the 
world  (ii.  15-17)  and  want  of  love  for  the 
brethren  (ii.  9;  ii.  29— iii.  22).  The  other  touches 
the  central  truth  of  the  Christian  Faith :  they 
deny  that  Jesus  is  the  Christ,  or,  what  is  the 
same  thing,  is  the  Son  of  God ;  they  believe 
in  a  Christ  and  boast  of  their  knowledge  of 
him  (ii.  4)— but  he  is  not  Jesus  (iv.  3). 
Evidently  they  find  a  special  stone  of 
stumbling  in  the  death  of  Jesus  (iii.  16,  v.  6), 
since  they  imagine  themselves  to  stand  in  no 
need  of  its  propitiatory  and  cleansing  influ- 
ence, and  in  consequence  they  attach  no 
importance  to  Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper 


The   Johannine   Literature    387 

(v.  G-8).  The  Spirit  is  sufficient  for  them, 
and  they  are  assured  that  they  possess  this 
Spirit  (hi.  24;  iv.  1-3,  13;  ii.  26/).  From 
this  standpoint  the  introduction  (i.  1-4)  now 
becomes  intelligible.  It  emphatically  asserts 
that  the  subject  of  Christian  preaching  is  a 
reality  that  can  be  conceived,  can  be  heard, 
can  be  seen,  can  be  touched — namely,  the 
historical  Jesus,  no  idol  as  the  opposite  thereto 
is  called  in  v.  21. 

Although  similar  false  teachers  are  also 
attacked  in  the  Pastoral  Epistles,  in  the 
Epistle  of  St  Jude,  and  in  the  Second 
Epistle  of  St  Peter  and  even  in  the  epistles 
of  Ignatius,  yet  our  author  addresses  his 
epistle  not  to  universal  Christendom  but  to 
the  churches  of  the  limited  district  with 
which  he  was  closely  acquainted  and  where 
his  word  carried  weight.  This  district  wc  can 
only  suppose  to  have  been  tin;  province  of 
Asia,  since  here  lay  the  home  of  that 
Johannine  conception  of  Christianity  which 
is    represented     in    this    epistle    and    is    to   a 


388    Early  Christian   Literature 

certain  extent  presupposed  among  its  readers. 
It  is  a  striking  fact  that  the  author  never 
alludes  to  the  Old  Testament,  and  that  the 
Jewish  Law  stands  quite  outside  his  sphere 
of  discussion.  The  epistle  affords  us  no 
indication  of  its  date ;  the  false  teaching 
presents  no  traits  which  force  us  to  assign 
the  epistle  to  the  second  century.  Nothing 
prevents  us  from  assuming  that  its  author 
was  "  the  Elder "  who  wrote  the  two  epistles 
which  in  after  days  were  combined  with  this 
epistle  in  the  New  Testament  under  the 
name  of  John ;  indeed,  this  is  the  more 
probable  in  that  it  is  scarcely  possible  that 
two  separate  persons  of  the  Johannine  school 
could  have  occupied  a  position  of  authority 
so  exactly  similar  as  that  which  the  three 
epistles  presuppose  in  their  authors,  who  in 
each  case  do  not  even  think  it  necessary  to 
mention  their  names. 

The  form  of  Christianity  which  is  represented 
in  these  writings  is  grand  and  yet  simple. 
Here  we  find  no  involved  doctrines,  here  are 


The   Johannine  Literature    389 

no  sayings  hard  to  understand.  Jesus  is  the 
perfect  Revelation  of  God,  the  Christ,  the 
Son.  In  Him  therefore  the  gate  of  eternal 
life  is  set  open  for  us,  in  that  through  Him 
we  enter  into  fellowship  with  God,  and  are 
called  the  Children  of  God  if  we  abide  in 
Him.  He  has  cleansed  us  from  sin  by  the 
propitiatory  offering  of  His  death.  Only  one 
thing  is  left  for  us  to  do,  and  that  is  to  love 
one  another ;  for  to  quote  only  the  most 
illuminating  of  the  many  shining  texts  of 
this  epistle — God  is  Love,  and  he  that 
abideth  in  Love  abideth  in  God  and  God 
in  him. 

This  "Elder"  must  have  been  a  man  of 
deep  inwardness  and  spirituality,  one  may 
even  say  a  child-like  soul  :  lor  nothing  which 
belongs  to  the  outward  conditions  of  life, 
indeed  nothing  even  which  belongs  to  the 
Outward  form  of  thought,  nothing  that,  has 
taken    form    in    history,    catches    his  attention. 

The  inward  lite  is  everything. 


390    Early  Christian   Literature 

4.  The  Gospel  according  to  St  John. 

There  is  scarcely  a  single  book  in  the  litera- 
ture of  the  world  which  leaves  upon  us  an 
impression  so  difficult  to  describe  as  this  the 
most  notable  creation  of  the  Johannine  school. 
The  book  is  not  an  homogeneous  whole  and 
yet  it  is  harmonious.  It  is  a  perfect  web  of 
enigma,  and  yet  the  web  is  lost  in  the 
dazzling  light  which  breaks  through  it.  As 
we  read  we  are  in  another  world,  the  world 
of  miracle — this  gospel  relates  the  turning  of 
the  water  into  wine  and  the  resurrection 
of  one  who  had  been  in  the  grave  four 
days ;  and  yet  all,  even  these  narratives, 
seems  so  natural  and  is  so  precious  to  us. 
The  book  affects  our  imagination  like  a 
transparent  symbol  of  precious  eternal  truths. 
We  forget  the  outward  narrative  and  lose 
ourselves  in  its  deeper  significance.  The 
characters  appear  in  a  strange  twilight.  We 
neither  see  them  come  nor  go,  we  trace  in 
them  no  development ;  they  suddenly  appear 


The  Johannine   Literature    391 

and  as  suddenly  vanish.  They  move  as  if  in 
the  air.  They  affect  us  like  the  stained 
windows  of  some  dim  cathedral  as  the  light 
passes  through  them  ;  earth  with  its  manifold 
variety  has  vanished,  all  is  so  calm  and 
toneless.  Only  these  forms  hover  before  us ; 
they  profess  to  be  actual  personalities,  yet 
live  only  the  life  of  typical  characters.  We 
see  as  it  were  only  their  distinctive  profiles. 
Dramatic  feeling  and  unity  are  not  wanting 
and  yet  there  is  no  proper  movement  in 
the  scenes,  just  as  it  is  in  the  conventional 
pictures  of  ancient  Byzantine  art.  The 
touches  are  often  marvellously  delicate.  We 
feel  as  it  were  the  fresh  breath  of  morning 
as  the  disciples  pass  to  and  fro  at  the  .Jordan. 
The  night  wind  rustles  round  the  chamber 
whither  Nicodemus  has  crept  in  secret.  The 
repining  sun  of  summer  shines  upon  the 
scene  by  .Jacob's  Well.  Twilight  tails  upon 
the  chamber  where  the  Master  washes  His 
disciples1  feet;  and  ;is  Judas  goes  forth  there 

is    the    darkness    of    night.       The    brightening 


392    Early  Christian  Literature 

gleams  of  sunrise  lie  upon  Joseph's  peaceful 
garden  as  the  greeting  passes — Mary — Rab- 
boni.  And  yet — where  is  all  the  fulness  of 
colour  ?  where  the  fresh  scent  of  the  earth  ? 
where  the  life  of  people,  and  the  varied  forms 
of  their  religious  life  as  these  all  appear  in 
the  other  gospels  ?  Where  are  the  Scribes, 
the  Elders,  the  Publicans  and  Sinners, 
the  Possessed  ? 

And  what  is  true  of  all  the  characters 
applies  also  to  our  Lord,  the  centre  around 
which  all  revolves.  He  is  ever  the  same,  the 
Son  of  God  moving  among  the  things  of  earth. 
We  trace  in  Him  no  development,  no  change 
answering  to  His  environment.  Whoever 
His  listeners  may  be,  He  ever  speaks  in  the 
same  tone.  Indeed,  it  is  not  to  them  or  for 
them  that  He  speaks,  but  beyond  them.  The 
content  of  His  teaching  is  the  same  from  the 
very  beginning ;  though  the  words  change,  the 
subject  is  fundamentally  the  same— Himself. 
Whether  men  understand  Him  or  no,  He 
abides  on  the  remote  heights  of  lofty  thought. 


The  Johannine  Literature    393 

Just  as  it  is  reported  at  times  to  have  really 
happened  to  Him,  He  passes  through  the 
midst  of  men  unnoticed,  untouched,  like  a 
being  from  another  world.  And  yet  waves  of 
human  feeling  pass  through  His  soul.  At  the 
marriage  feast  He  rebukes  His  mother's  pre- 
sumption ;  on  the  Cross  He  is  full  of  loving 
care  for  her.  He  is  moved  with  indignation 
in  the  spirit,  and  His  eyes  are  suffused  with 
tears.  He  cries :  "  My  soul  is  troubled  ;  and 
what  shall  I  say?  Father,  save  me  from  this 
hour"  :  "  I  thirst  "  ;  "  None  of  you  asketh  me 
— Whithei 'goes  Thou  ?  "  A  disciple  lies  in  His 
bosom,  the  disciple  whom  He  loved.  And  yet 
He  lias  only  hard  words  for  the  Jews,  His 
own  people,  The  Jesus  of  this  gospel  cannot 
weep  over  Jerusalem,  He  cannot  he  likened 
to  the  lien  that  would  gather  her  chickens 
under  her  wings.  From  this  .Icsus  who 
seems  in  sympathy  with  all  that,  is  human, 
we  hear  words  of  mysterious  import  :  "  Before 
Abraham  was  I  am";  "  Thou  Father  hast 
loved  me  before  the  world  was.''     He  asserts 


394    Early  Christian  Literature 

Himself  in  words  of  the  deepest  spiritual 
significance :  "I  am  the  Way  the  Truth 
and  the  Life."  And  yet  from  the  same 
mouth  proceed  sentences  of  the  simplest  and 
most  striking  imagery :  "  I  am  the  Good 
Shepherd;  and  I  know  My  own,  and  am 
known  of  Mine";  "I  am  the  vine,  ye  are 
the  branches "  ;  "  The  grain  of  wheat  can- 
not bear  fruit  unless  it  die."  Again,  beside 
words  of  the  deepest  spirituality — "We  will 
come  and  make  our  abode  with  Him "  ;  "I, 
if  I  be  lifted  up,  will  draw  all  men  unto  Me  " ; 
"He  that  believeth  on  Me,  though  he  were 
dead,  yet  shall  he  live" — we  find  words  of 
the  simplest  ethical  significance  :  "  If  ye  love 
Me  keep  My  commandments";  "By  this 
shall  all  men  know  that  ye  are  My  disciples, 
if  ye  have  love  one  to  another."  Beside  words 
which  seem  narrow  because  they  make  every- 
thing depend  upon  His  own  person — "He 
that  believeth  not  on  the  name  of  the  only 
begotten  Son  of  God  is  judged  already" — 
stand  words  of  wonderful  breadth,  freedom,  and 


The  johannine  Literature    395 

clearness  of  vision  :  "  The  wind  bloweth  where 
it  listeth  " ;  "  He  that  is  of  the  truth  heareth 
My  voice "  ;  "  God  is  a  spirit,  and  they  that 
worship  Him  must  worship  Him  in  spirit  and 
in  truth  "  ;  "I  have  yet  other  sheep  which  are 
not  of  this  fold,  them  also  I  must  bring  and 
they  shall  hear  My  voice  and  there  shall  be 
one  Hock,  one  shepherd  " ;  "I  have  yet  many 
things  to  say  unto  you,  but  ye  cannot  bear 
them  now ;  howbeit  when  He  the  Spirit  of 
Truth  is  come,  He  shall  guide  you  unto  all 
the  truth."  Vet  how  differently  it  all  sounds 
from  what  we  have  been  accustomed  to  in  the 
other  gospels ! 

How  are  we  to  understand  this  book  ?  The 
preliminary  condition  of  its  comprehension  is 
that  we  first  clearly  realise  that  it  was  not 
intended  to  be  a  work  of  history — not  even 
in  the  limited  sense  of  the  Synoptic  Gospels. 
Their  interest  also  was  not  purely  historical, 
yet  they  strive  to  attain  their  respective  ends 
-the  strengthening  of  faith  in  Jesus  as  the 
Christ  (St  Mark);  the  defence  of  Christianity 


~  396    Early   Christian   Literature 

(St  Luke) ;  the  promotion  of  Christian  life 
(St  Matthew) — by  gathering  together  facts 
from  the  earthly  life  of  our  Lord,  His  acts  and 
sayings,  in  a  form  suited  to  their  respective 
purposes.  If  the  intention  of  the  author  of 
our  book  had  been  only  approximately  similar 
to  theirs,  he  would  have  kept  to  the  literary 
types  represented  in  those  three  gospels.  In 
that  he  forsakes  this  type— and,  indeed, 
consciously  forsakes  it,  for  he  certainly  was 
acquainted  with  St  Mark  and  probably  with 
St  Luke — he  at  once  betrays  that  he  has 
different  aims  from  theirs  and  has  set  himself 
a  task  of  quite  different  character. 

The  first  thing  which  strikes  us  is  that  the 
author  did  not  wish  to  narrate  history,  even 
though  he  employed  stories  for  his  own  ends,  in 
this  following  at  a  remote  distance  the  example 
of  the  Synoptists.  If  his  interest  lay  at  all 
in  facts  of  history,  then  the  written  result 
shows  that  he  was  not  capable  of  the  task  he 
set  himself.  And  yet  his  book  declares  him  to 
have  been  a  writer  of  high  and  notable  gifts. 


The  Johannine  Literature    397 

The  Synoptists  themselves  are  a  witness  to 
the  rich  abundance  of  traditions  handed  down 
from  the  time  of  our  Lord's  public  ministry, 
but  our  author  incorporates  in  his  work  only 
the  smallest  portion  of  these — The  Cleansing 
of  the  Temple  (ii.  13-16),  the  Healing  of  the 
Nobleman's  Son  (iv.  40-54),  the  Feeding  of  the 
Five  Thousand  together  with  the  Walking  on 
the  Sea  ( vi.  1  21), the  Anointing  in  Bethany  (xii. 
1-8),  and  the  Entry  into  Jerusalem  (xii.  12-16). 
The  Evangelist  himself  declares  (xx.  .'30)  that 
his  work  does  not  aim  at  being  exhaustive 
in  this  respect.  Hut  does  the  reader  attain  to 
any  real  general  conception  of  the  active  life  of 
our  Lord  from  these  few  narratives?  Again 
how  defective  is  even  that  which  is  imparled 
to   us!      The   mission   of  St   John    the    Baptist 

(i.  L9,  25/),  the  Baptism  of  Jesus  (L  82  //.'), 
the  imprisonment  <>f'  the  Baptist  (iii.  24),  are 
all  presupposed  hut  never  related.  We  learn 
nothing  of  the  calling  of  the  Twelve  who 
appear    in    vi.    *i?    70;     nothing    of  the   public 

Galilean  ministry  that    is   presupposed  in  vi. 


398    Early  Christian  Literature 

1  jff.,  not  even  what  it  was  that  drew  our  Lord 
to  Galilee  (vi.  1)  ;  nothing  concerning  the 
proceedings  of  the  trial  before  Caiaphas  in 
spite  of  xviii.  24,  28,  nor  what  moved  Pilate 
to  put  the  question  of  xviii.  33.  Our  author 
loses  the  whole  of  his  interest  in  both  persons 
and  situations  as  soon  as  they  have  served 
his  doctrinal  purpose.  We  cannot  find  out 
from  him  in  hi.  10-21,  27-36,  where  the 
colloquy  with  Nicodemus  and  the  words  of 
the  Baptist  pass  over  into  the  reflections  of 
the  Evangelist  himself.  The  Greeks  which 
suddenly  appear  (xii.  20-22)  are  completely 
forgotten  in  the  speech  of  our  Lord  which 
follows  (xii.  23-28).  According  to  ii.  13,  our 
Lord  with  His  family  migrates  to  Capernaum  : 
nevertheless  on  His  return  from  Jerusalem 
He  goes  to  Cana  (iv.  46).  According  to  vii.  3 
no  miracle  had  as  yet  been  wrought  in  Jeru- 
salem, while  vii.  21  presupposes  one  and  ii.  23, 
iii.  2,  iv.  45,  and  vii.  31  mention  many.  In  vi. 
15  our  Lord  ascends  the  mountain,  where  He 
seems  to   be    already   according   to    verse    3, 


The   Johannine  Literature    399 

and  without  any  explanation  of  the  change 
of  scene  He  is  found  on  the  seashore  (25), 
and  in  the  Synagogue  (59).  We  are  not  told 
in  verses  15-17  why  the  disciples  depart 
without  our  Lord,  nor  even  where  He  left 
them  when  He  departed  to  the  mountain. 
There  is  no  hint  in  xii.  44-50  whether  any  one 
is  present  to  hear  our  Lord's  words ;  it  is 
enough  for  the  Evangelist  that  they  can  be 
read.  It  is  strange  to  notice  how  our  Lord  is 
represented  as  going  to  and  fro  in  the  sight  of 
the  Baptist  without  coming  into  direct  contact 
with  him  (i.  2'.),  .'JO).  The  succession  of  scenes 
is  almost  always  unintelligible.  What  is  the 
intention  of  the  cleansing  of  the  Temple  ? — (ii. 
18  22).  Has  it  indeed  no  aim,  no  further 
result  ?     How  could  the  perfect  1  y  public  activity 

of  chapters  vii.  xii.  have  been  possible  after  the 
Jews  had  determined  to  kill  our  Lord  (v.  IK), 
or  the  public  scene  of  chapter  ix.  after  viii.  59, 
or  again  the  free  movement  in  chapters  xi.  /'. 
after    x.    89  12?    The  discourse  in   Galilee, 

which    seems    as     if     meant     to     give     offence 


4-00    Early   Christian  Literature 

to  the  Jews,  is  quite  impossible ;  nor  can 
we  understand  the  proposal  of  our  Lord's 
brethren  in  vii.  3  or  His  conduct  in 
regard  to  it  (vii.  4-10).  Our  Lord's  miracles 
as  such  have  no  interest  for  the  Evangelist 
however  much  he  intensifies  the  miraculous 
element  in  them.  Small  value  is  therefore 
ascribed  to  the  faith  which  rests  upon  miracles, 
as  we  see  from  iv.  48,  though  the  reproach 
here  conveyed  is  not  deserved  by  the  father 
who  is  only  concerned  for  the  healing  of  his 
son.  Indeed  with  this  Evangelist  miracles  are 
only  signs  ;  they  are  types  of  spiritual  truth  ;  so 
it  is  with  the  miraculous  Feeding  of  chapter 
vi.,  the  Healing  of  the  Blind  Man  (ix.),  and 
the  Raising  of  Lazarus  (xi.).  Thus  they  are 
no  longer  works  of  mercy  wrung  from  the 
compassion  of  our  Lord,  works  which  even 
exhausted  Him  and  were  if  possible  avoided 
by  Him ;  but  they  form  as  it  were  a  course 
of  object  lessons  planned  by  our  Lord  and 
prepared  for  beforehand.  In  this  connec- 
tion  the   motive   of  compassion   seems  to  be 


The  Johannine  Literature    401 

absolutely  wanting  in  the  Evangelist's  portrait 
of  Jesus. 

It  is  no  wonder  that  where  the  historical 
sense  is  so  feeble  the  onward  march  of  his- 
tory cannot  be  traced.  The  narrative  is  not 
without  movement  but  it  proceeds  without 
development.  The  movement  is  not  like  the 
onward  flow  of  the  river  but  like  the  rise  and 
fall  of  the  waves  of  the  sea.  From  the  first 
Jesus  acknowledges  Himself  to  be  the  Messiah 
(i.  42-50).  The  Baptist  knows  and  pro- 
claims not  only  His  Messiahship  but  also  His 
Death  and  its  significance  before  our  Lord  had 
even  entered  upon  His  public  ministry  (i.  26t/!, 
29,  88/!  The  Jews  arc  His  adversaries  from 
the  beginning  so  thai  Nicodemus  is  obliged  to 
come  to  Him  under  the  cover  of"  night  (iii.  2). 
Our    Lord    ;it    once    begins    His    conflict    with 

them  (ii.  i.">//.).     Controversy  succeeds  contro- 
versy, plot  succeeds  plot,  but  nothing  seems 

to   be    advanced     thereby.       Again    there    is    no 

trace  of  development  in  the  personality  of  the 

Lord.      lie  knows  and  proclaims  from  the   be- 

26 


40  2    Early  Christian  Literature 

ginning  that  He  has  come  to  die  (ii.  19  /!,  iii. 
14/!).  It  cannot  but  be  otherwise  with  Him, 
for  He  foresees  the  future  (vi.  64,  xiii.  18, 
xviii.  4,  xix.  28) ;  indeed  He  is  omniscient 
(i.  48,  ii.  24/,  iv.  16  #!,  xvi.  30).  Therefore 
the  Baptism  no  longer  has  for  Him  any  kind 
of  significance,  and  so  there  is  no  need  for  its 
narration.  But  also  there  is  in  this  gospel  no 
Temptation,  no  Gethsemane,  no  exceeding 
sorrow  of  soul  even  unto  death — indeed,  no 
longer  even  any  need  that  Jesus  should  pray. 
Gethsemane  is  reduced  to  the  saying  of  xii. 
27-29,  the  cry  "  Eli,  Eli "  becomes  "  I  thirst," 
the  prayers  of  Jesus  are  spoken  for  the  sake 
of  the  listeners  (xi.  42,  xii.  30,  xvii.  13).  It 
follows  also  that  the  author  has  no  historic 
sense  of  the  main  lines  of  the  history  of  our 
Lord's  life,  so  that  what  he  tells  us  often 
conflicts  with  the  actual  course  of  events 
according  to  the  credible  testimony  of  the 
other  gospels.  In  these  the  field  of  our 
Lord's  mission  lies  in  Galilee,  and  the  journey 
to  Jerusalem  forms  the  crisis  leading  up  to  the 


The  Johannine  Literature    403 

final  act ;  in  our  gospel,  Jerusalem  is  from  the 
beginning  the  proper  scene  of  action  while 
Galilee  is  only  a  place  of  retreat  (ii.  1-11,  iv. 
(43-54,  vi.  1-71).  Except  in  this  gospel  there 
is  no  record  of  a  successful  mission  among  the 
Samaritans  (iv.  1-42)  ;  rather  of  the  opposite 
(St  Luke  ix.  51-56).  The  only  case  of  inter- 
ference by  our  Lord  in  public  affairs,  the 
so-called  Cleansing  of  the  Temple,  in  the 
other  gospels  comes  at  the  end  but  here  at 
the  beginning  of  His  ministry.  Its  position  in 
the  former  case  is  natural ;  in  the  latter  it  has 
rather  the  effect  of  an  anticlimax. 

However,  the  most  striking  proof  that  the 
author  did  not  wish  simply  to  follow  the 
course  of  events  is  afforded  in  the  construction 
of  liis  work.  This  falls  into  three  main 
divisions  framed  as  it  were  in  an  overture 
(chap.  L)  and  a  finale  (chaps,  xviii.-xx.,  xxi.). 
The  former  narrates  the  introductory  events 
(i.  l'.)-52),  and,  besides  thus  giving  the  work 
its  right  setting  in  time,  also  prefaces  a  passage 
(i.  1-18)  which   brings   it   into  logical   relation 


404    Early  Christian   Literature 

with  the  inward  spiritual  development  of  the 
universe.  In  this  passage,  the  so  -  called 
Prologue,  the  author  gives  into  the  hands  of 
his  readers  the  key  which  discloses  to  them 
the  innermost  nature  of  Him  whom  he  wishes 
to  set  before  them : — He  is  the  incarnate 
Logos.  There  is  no  one  English  word  which 
coincides  with  this  Greek  expression ;  it 
embraces  both  the  active  reason  of  God  and 
the  means  by  which  He  reveals  Himself;  it 
signifies  a  spiritual  power,  which  is  absolutely 
of  the  Divine  essence  and  yet  proceeds  from 
God,  as  it  has  declared  itself  in  the  creation 
of  the  world  and  is  operative  in  the  soul  of 
man.  This  Logos  clothed  in  flesh  and  blood 
dwelt  among  men  in  complete  fulness  in 
Jesus.  In  Him  the  glory  of  this  Logos  was 
revealed  to  the  eyes  of  men.  The  second 
introductory  section  (i.  19-51)  connects  with 
the  movement  of  the  Baptist  and  falls  into 
two  parts : — The  Baptist  (i.  19-34)  and  the 
disciples  of  the  Baptist  (i.  35-51).  The 
Baptist  himself  is  made  to  explain  his  rela- 


The  Johannine  Literature    405 

tion  to  our  Lord,  first  by  giving  testimony 
concerning  himself  (19-28),  including  his 
personality  (19-23)  and  his  mission  (24-28), 
then  by  giving  testimony  to  Jesus  (29-34) — 
His  significance  (29-31)  and  His  endowments 
(32-34).  We  are  shown  how  the  disciples  of 
the  Baptist  pass  over  to  our  Lord  (i.  35-51), 
among  whom  the  chief  figures  are  Peter 
(35-42)  and  Xathanael  (43-51).  The  con- 
cluding section  of  the  work  comprises  the 
history  of  the  Passion  and  Resurrection,  and 
is  thus  twofold  like  the  introduction.  Indeed, 
one  can  1  race  still  closer  analogy  between  the 
two.  In  the  story  of  the  Passion  the  witness 
of  the  Baptist,  "Heboid  the  Lamb  of  Ciod 
that  taketh  away  the  sins  of  the  world,"  is 
developed  in  detail,  while  in  the  story  of  the 
Resurrection  a  return  is  made  to  the  situation 
of  the  Prologue  As  in  the  Prologue  we  are 
told  that  "The  Word  was  God,"  so  in  the 

conclusion  St  Thomas  makes  his  confession 
"My  Lord  and  my  God."  While  in  the 
former  we  learn   that    "The  same   was   in   the 


406    Early  Christian  Literature 

beginning  with  God,"  so  now  the  Risen  Christ 
proclaims  "  1  ascend  to  my  God."  Between 
these  two  scenes  of  entrance  and  exit  stands 
the  drama  of  the  Life,  which  falls  into  three 
acts.  The  first  depicts  that  which  is  New 
in  the  gospel  (ii.-vi.),  the  second  opposes  the 
objection  raised  by  the  Old  against  the  New 
(vii.-xii.),  and  the  third  shows  the  realisation 
of  the  New  (xiii.-xvii.).  Each  of  these  three 
acts  is  carried  out  in  three  cycles.  The  three 
cycles  of  the  first  act  respectively  develop  the 
following  themes: — (1)  The  relation  of  the 
New  to  the  Old  (ii.  1-iv.  42) ;  (2)  The  nature 
of  the  New  (iv.  43-v.  47 — to  which  it  is  prob- 
able that  vii.  15-24  originally  belonged) ;  (3) 
The  appropriation  of  the  New  (vi.).  Each  of 
these  themes  is  illustrated  at  the  beginning  by 
two  stories  :  the  first  by  the  Changing  of  the 
Water  into  Wine  and  the  Cleansing  of  the 
Temple  in  Jerusalem  (ii.  1-22),  the  second  by 
the  Healing  of  the  Nobleman's  Son  in  Galilee 
and  the  Cure  of  the  Lame  Man  in  Jerusalem 
(iv.  43-v.  16),  and  the  third  by  the  Feeding 


The  Johannine   Literature    407 

of  the  Five  Thousand  and  the  Walking  on  the 
Sea  (vi.  1-25).  The  second  and  third  cycles, 
in  long  passages  of  connected  controversy 
between  our  Lord  and  the  Jews,  deal  with  the 
respective  themes  : — the  Son  gives  Life — and 
we  must  eat  of  Him  the  Bread  of  Life  ;  the  first 
cycle  on  the  other  hand  is  divided  into  three 
scenes  each  with  its  subordinate  theme: — (1) 
The  origin  and  mission  of  Messiah  (ii.  23-iii.  21) 
in  contrast  to  Pharisaism ;  (2)  Jesus  is  from 
above,  the  Bridegroom,  the  Son  (iii.  22-36),  in 
contrast  to  the  Baptist ;  (8)  Jesus  is  the  Saviour 
of  the  world,  the  true  worship  is  the  worship 
in  spirit  and  in  truth  (iv.  1  42),  in  contrast  to 
the  teaching  of  the  Samaritans.  The  second 
main  division  of  the  book  also  falls  into  three 
cycles  each  prefaced  by  an  introductory  scene 
(vii.  1-27  except  15  24,  which  belongs  to  chap, 
v.;  ix.  1  84;  x.  10  \i.  1)4),  and  closing  with  a 
notice  that  our  Lord  withdrew  Himself  from 
I  lis  enemies  (viii.  59,  x.  .'i'.i.  xii.  .">0).  These  three 
cycles  respectively  deal  with  the  themes  :  The 
Origin  of  the  Christ,  the  Nature  of  the  Christ, 


408    Early  Christian  Literature 

the  Work  of  the  Christ.  The  first  two  cycles 
each  run  into  two  logically  distinct  trains  of 
thought — vii.  28-52,  viii.  12-59  (vii.  53-viii.  11 
does  not  belong  to  the  gospel),  and  ix.  35- 
x.  21,  x.  22-39.  The  third  cycle  describes  our 
Lord's  success  among  His  disciples  (xii.  1-11), 
among  the  people  of  the  Jews  (xii.  12-19), 
among  Greeks  (xii.  20-36).  A  concluding 
passage  (xii.  37-50)  sums  up  the  whole  of  the 
second  main  division.  The  third  main  division, 
in  which  for  reasons  of  all  kinds  xv.  1-xvi.  33 
should  be  placed  before  xiii.  33,  is  introduced 
by  the  scene  of  the  Washing  of  the  Disciples' 
Feet  (xiii.  1-32)  and  the  allegory  of  the  Vine 
(xv.  1-17).  Its  subject,  the  future  communion 
with  Christ,  is  discussed  in  three  sections  : — (1) 
The  critical  period  of  separation  (xv.  18-xvi. 
32) ;  (2)  The  blessedness  of  the  future  com- 
munion (xiii.  33-xiv.  31) ;  (3)  The  development 
towards  perfection  (xvii.  1-26).  The  preference 
for  the  number  three  which  is  manifested  in  the 
main  lines  of  the  structure  of  this  noble  work 
extends  also  to  the  treatment  of  details.     The 


The  johannine  Literature    409 

preparatory  history  of  chap.  i.  covers  three 
days,  our  Lord  journeys  three  times  into 
Galilee  and  back  to  Judaea,  He  works  three 
miracles  in  Galilee,  He  celebrates  three 
feasts — leaving  out  of  account  the  two  Pass- 
overs at  the  beginning  and  close  of  the  work 
(vi.  4  almost  certainly  does  not  belong  to  the 
original  text) ;  at  the  feast  of  Tabernacles 
three  occasions  of  discourse  are  presented  to 
our  Lord,  in  the  story  of  the  Passion  the 
declaration  of  the  traitor  is  given  in  three 
scenes ;  there  are  three  judicial  trials,  three 
attempts  made  by  Pilate  to  save  our  Lord, 
three  words  upon  the  Cross,  and  three  appear- 
ances alter  the  Resurrection.  It  is  quite 
obvious  that  a  book  which  arranges  its  material 
according  to  rules  such  as  these  was  not 
intended  to  be  a  work  of  history.  It  is  a 
doctrinal  text -hook  in  historical  vesture;  it 
is  a  collection  of  dialogues  uliose  teaching  is 

illustrated  by  the  pictures  at  their  heads. 

If    we    look    closely    into    tli<'    discourses   of 
our  Lord  in  this  gospel,  we  are  at  once  struck 


410    Early   Christian   Literature 

by  the  fact  that  they  are  never  accommodated 
to  the  listeners  and  that  the  later  discourses 
are  continuations  of  the  earlier  ones  even  when 
the  circle  of  hearers  is  quite  different  (e.g.  x. 
26  f.  takes  up  the  thread  of  x.  3  f.).  This 
means  that  they  are  addressed  to  the  readers 
of  the  book,  not  to  those  who  are  supposed 
upon  each  occasion  to  have  heard  them.  And 
next  we  note  what  a  contrast  the  subjects 
of  these  discourses  present  to  the  substance  of 
our  Lord's  utterances  in  the  other  gospels ! 
In  these  the  piety,  the  morality,  the  hopes  of 
the  Jewish  nation  are  reflected  in  abundant 
variety ;  here  the  question  of  the  Personality 
of  the  Christ  stands  as  the  exclusive  centre  of 
interest ;  no  questions  arise  out  of  the  every- 
day life  of  the  Jews,  but  only  such  as  spring 
from  a  thoughtful  meditation  which  here  and 
there  approaches  theological  subtilty ;  the 
Jewish  Law — "your  law,"  as  Jesus  Himself 
says,  as  if  the  Jews  stood  over  against  Him  as 
an  alien  body  (viii.  17,  x.  34,  xv.  25) — does 
not  even  come  into  view  as  a  rule  regulating 


The  Johannine   Literature    411 

the  daily  life.  In  the  Synoptists  all  is  proverb 
and  parable,  in  this  gospel  all  is  in  the 
language  of  profound  metaphor  or  even  of 
allegory ;  there  short  pithy  sayings,  here  long 
spun-out  trains  of  thought.  And  how  different 
is  the  form  !  Naturally  there  are  not  lacking 
in  this  gospel  echoes  of  sayings  of  our  Lord 
preserved  in  the  other  gospels ;  indeed  its 
discourses  are  often  based  upon  sayings  which, 
though  not  recorded  in  the  Synoptists,  are 
yet  of  the  same  character  as  those  which 
they  hand  down  to  us.  But  the  difference 
far  outbalances  the  likeness.  Moreover  the 
vocabulary  of  this  gospel,  which  is  in  truth 
rather  limited,  has  quite  a  different  character 
from  that  of  the  Synoptists.  It  is  by  no 
means  uncommon  to  meet  with  words  and 
ideas  derived  from  Hellenism  which  have 
become  fundamental  conceptions  in  this 
gospel — e.g.  the  idea  of  "Truth."  Also  the 
symbolical  use  of  imagery  from  the  old  Testa- 
ment quite  in  the  manner  of  the  Epistle  to 
the  Hebrews—  for  instance  the  Brazen  Serpent 


412    Early   Christian   Literature 

(iii.  14),  the  Passover  Lamb  (xix.  36  /!),  the 
Temple  (ii.  19-21),  the  Manna  (vi.  31  ff.)— 
sounds  very  strangely  in  the  mouth  of  Jesus. 
Indeed,  there  are  not  wanting  instances  of 
purely  dogmatic  propositions  which  deal 
critically  with  passages  of  the  Old  Testament 
— e.g.  compare  "  God  is  a  Spirit "  (iv.  24)  and 
"  No  man  hath  seen  God  at  any  time  "  (i.  18) 
with  Gen.  xxxii.  31  and  Exodus  xxxiii.  11, 
and  "  My  Father  worketh  hitherto "  (v.  17) 
with  Gen.  ii.  2.  In  addition  to  these  points 
it  must  appear  very  strange  that  in  style  as 
well  as  in  ideas  the  discourses  of  our  Lord 
absolutely  coincide  with  the  reflections  of 
the  evangelist ;  indeed,  they  occasionally  pass 
almost  imperceptibly  one  into  the  other  as  in 
iii.  10  f.,  1GJ],  and  xii.  37  f.,  teff. 

Now  in  all  these  discourses  our  Lord  pro- 
claims— so  we  are  assured  by  the  Evangelist — 
only  what  He  has  seen  in  the  Spirit  whether 
before  His  earthly  existence  or  during  the 
same,  only  what  He  had  heard  from  His 
Father  (iii.  11  /.,  32  ;  x.  18).     They  really  are, 


The  johannine  Literature    413 

however,  only  concerned  with  the  nature  of 
the  Christ  and  the  proof  that  Jesus  is  this 
Christ — the  latter  a  theme  which  is  also  the 
subject  of  debate  in  the  First  Epistle  of  St 
John.  But  the  centre  of  interest  lies  in 
the  former  theme,  in  the  complete  compre- 
hension of  that  which  belongs  to  the  nature 
of  the  Christ,  more  particularly  of  what 
lies  behind  His  human  form  of  manifesta- 
tion —  namely,  His  relation  to  the  Divine 
Being,  His  1 're-existence,  His  Risen  Life  and 
Work,  and  His  station  of  pre-eminence  above 
all  that  is  in  Heaven  and  Earth.  Again,  in 
connection  with  this  subject  the  theological 
problem  of*  harmonising  this  Divine  Christ 
with  the  claim  of  monotheism  is  often  taken 
into  consideration  (x.  80,  88  .'{<*>;  x.  !> ;  xvii.  3). 
The  few  other  questions  of  exclusively  Christian 

interest  which  arc  touched  upon  have  all  of 
them  reference  t<>  this  Christ  ;  they  are  also 
well  known  to  us  from  the  writings  of  St 
Paul  and  deal  with  the  significance  of  the 
Spirit  (xiv. -xvi. ),  the  doctrine  of   the   Hesur- 


414    Early  Christian   Literature 

rection  (xi.),  and  the  meaning  of  the  Lord's 
Supper  (vi.).  We  note  also  the  tendency  to 
bring  the  practice  of  Baptism  into  close 
connection  with  our  Lord  Himself  (iii.  22, 
iv.  If.).  So  also  our  Lord  is  often  made  to 
speak  from  the  standpoint  of  the  apostolic  epoch, 
as  in  the  words  "  As  Thou  didst  send  Me  into 
the  world  even  so  send  I  them  into  the  world  " 
(xvii.  18),  or  "  Others  have  laboured  and  ye  are 
entered  into  their  labour "  (iv.  38  ;  cf,  1  Cor. 
iii.  5-15),  or  "  Bear  ye  also  witness  (together 
with  the  coming  Spirit  of  truth)  because  ye 
have  been  with  Me  from  the  beginning"  (xv. 
27;  cf.  St  Luke  i.  2),  or  "  No  man  hath  ascended 
into  heaven  but  He  that  descended  out  of 
heaven"  (iii.   13;  cf.  Ephes.  iv.  8-10). 

Summing  up  the  preceding  discussion,  we 
may  assert  that  the  main  purpose  of  this  book 
was  to  give  a  comprehensive  demonstration,  in 
opposition  to  the  objections  of  the  Jews,  of 
the  proposition  "Jesus  is  the  Christ,"  and  to 
declare  its  significance.  The  writer  regards 
Judaism    and    Christianity    as     two    sharply 


The  Johannine  Literature    415 

distinct  and  mutually  conflicting  religions,  and 
he  sets  the  Jews  in  a  most  unfavourable  light. 
He  has  also  a  subordinate  interest  in  explaining 
the  relationship  of  Christianity  to  the  school  of 
the  Baptist  (i.  6-8,  15,  19-51  ;  hi.  22-36.;  iv.  i.; 
v.  33,  36;  x.  40/!).  We  do  not  see  clearly 
the  motive  of  these  passages ;  but  it  is  most 
probable  that  they  were  occasioned  by  an 
exaggerated  reverence  for  the  Baptist  exist- 
ing within  the  circle  for  which  this  gospel 
was  written,  or  by  a  desire  to  bring  over  to 
Christianity  adherents  of  the  Baptist  who  were 
outside  that  circle.  Our  gospel  shares  with  St 
Luke  and  the  Acts  this  interest  in  the  disciples 
of  the  Baptist.  This  book  therefore  presents 
;m  apology  for  the  Christian  Faith  as  opposed 
to  Judaism,  .just  as  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  is 
an  apology  for  Christianity  against  heathenism. 

But  why  docs  the  author  choose  this 
peculiar  form  for  his  work  \  It  was  suggested 
to  him  by  his  conviction  of  the  supreme 
significance  of  the  person  of  Christ  JestlS  a 
conviction   even  greater  than   that  of  St   Paul. 


41 6    Early  Christian  Literature 

The  whole  scheme  of  Salvation  is  for  him 
included  in  Christ.  He  is  the  Truth  and 
the  Life ;  H  e  is  the  Light,  the  Bread,  the 
Resurrection ;  he  that  sees  Him  sees  God. 
Everything  therefore  depends  upon  whether 
we  recognise  Him  as  what  He  is  and  trust 
in  Him.  Hence  the  aim  of  the  author, 
as  he  himself  declares  at  the  close  of  his 
book,  is  to  confirm  his  readers  in  the  faith 
that  Jesus  is  the  Christ  in  order  that  they 
may  have  life  in  this  faith  (xx.  31).  He 
himself  lives  in  this  Christ  through  his  faith 
that  the  Christ  has  appeared  in  Jesus.  And 
as  he  has  inward  experience  of  the  Christ 
through  the  records  concerning  Jesus,  as  he 
sees  Him  with  the  eye  of  his  soul,  so  the 
historical  form  of  Jesus  is  now  transfigured 
into  the  glorious  object  of  his  spiritual  vision. 
We  may  even  say  that  he  relates  his  own 
experience  of  the  glorified  Christ  translated 
into  historical  shape  and  transferred  within 
the  historical  bounds  of  the  life  of  Jesus. 
And    though  it    is    true  that  he  thus  breaks 


The  Johannine  Literature    417 

these   bounds,   who  is   there   that  would   say 

that    he    has    not    seized    and   depicted   with 

a  touch  wonderfully  delicate  and  sympathetic 

the  innermost  nature  of  our  Lord,  or,  speaking 

more  exactly,  what  Jesus  works   in  the  soul 

indeed  becomes  in  the  soul  that  loses  itself  in 

Him  ?  who  would  not  confess  that  in  his  sweet 

unearthly  picture  he   has   given  us   the  true 

religious  import  of  that  sacred  Life  ? 

But  was  the  author  justified  in  using  for  his 

purpose   the  historical   form  of  Jesus  ?     This 

question  would  never  have  occurred  to  himself 

nor  to   his  contemporaries.      Interest  in  pure 

history  did    not   exist   among   the   writers  of 

antiquity,  certainly    not  among   those  of  the 

East.      What  we  call  the  historical  conscience 

is    a    modern    discovery.       History    was    then 

written  as  a  means  for  conveying  the  author's 

own  ideas.      History  is  the  daughter  of  poetry. 

Before    men     wrote    history    they    composed 

legends    and    myths.      The  nearest    parallel   to 

that    which    lies    before    us    in    our    gospel    is 

afforded  by  the  dialogues  of  Plato.     In  these 

27 


41 8    Early   Christian   Literature 

Plato  presents  his  departed  master,  Socrates,  in 
situations  of  his  own  invention  though  they  are 
based  upon  the  life  of  Socrates,  and  makes  him 
state  and  thoroughly  establish  his  own  (Plato's) 
philosophical  system  in  words  which  are  only 
partly     dependent     upon     genuine     Socratic 
utterances.     No  one  ever  thought  of  reproach- 
ing him  for  such  procedure  ;  rather  every  one 
was  grateful  to  him  for  raising  in  his  writings 
so  glorious  a  monument  to  the  revered  master. 
Again    in    Hebrew    historical    literature    the 
prophetic  element  was  always  present.     The 
past  was  seen  in  the  light  of  the  present  and 
the  future ;  men  transferred  to  the  past  that 
which  was  the  child  of  the  past,  they  awakened 
in  the  past  what  was  still  slumbering  within 
it.     So  also  our  author,  though  he  was  certainly 
conscious  that  he  was  not  reporting  historical 
fact   as   it   would    have   been    reported   by   a 
chronicler — how  little  mere  acquaintance  with 
historical  detail  meant  for  faith  is  indeed  shown 
by  St  Paul's  attitude  towards  the  Life  of  our 
Lorcl — yet  he  was  nevertheless  assured  that  in 


The  Johannine  Literature    419 

his  gospel  he  was  giving  men  its  abiding 
eternal  significance,  its  innermost  heart.  It 
sounds  like  a  justification  of  his  undertaking  if 
in  the  gospel  Jesus  says :  "  The  Spirit  will 
glorify  Me ;  He  shall  proclaim  to  you  what 
I  have  yet  to  say  unto  you,  but  ye  cannot  bear 
it  now ;  He  shall  lead  you  into  all  truth " 
(xvi.  12-24);  "He  shall  bear  witness  of  Me 
(xv.  2(5),  and  shall  teach  you  all  things  and 
bring  all  things  to  your  remembrance  whatso- 
ever I  have  said  unto  you"  (xiv.  26).  Indeed, 
we  may  say  that  our  gospel  is  the  first 
fulfilment  of  the  promise:  "  The  hour  cometh 
when  I  shall  qo  longer  speak  unto  you  in 
proverbs  but  shall  tell  you  plainly  of  the 
Father"  (xvi.  25).  At  all  events  the  author 
knows  that  lie  possesses  this  Spirit  which,  as 
he  is  convinced,  is  the  possession  of  every  one 

who  lo\  es  JeSUS  and  keeps  I  lis  commandments 
(xiv.  22  f.)  tli*'  Spirit  which,  as  SI  Paul  says, 
searcheth   all   things,  even    the  deep  things  of 

God  (l  Cor,  ii.   LO).     Our  gospel  in  Pact  was 

written  by  one  who  was  conscious  that  lie  was 


420    Early  Christian   Literature 

a  prophet,  and  it  also  proceeded  from  the 
same  school  as  the  Book  of  the  Revelation 
of  St  John — the  great  prophetical  book  of 
primitive  Christianity. 

But  can  we  say  anything  more  concerning 
the  author  of  this  remarkable  work  ?  His 
character  is  fairly  clearly  reflected  in  his  book. 
He  is  certainly  of  Jewish  origin ;  his  speech 
bewrayeth  him.  He  avoids  periods  ;  he  loves 
to  place  the  predicate  at  the  beginning  of  his 
sentences  and  to  arrange  these  in  a  similar 
order  of  words  ;  indeed,  we  occasionally  find  in- 
stances of  Hebraic  parallelism  (xii.  44/!,  iii.  26). 
His  vocabulary  is  not  extensive  though  it  is  in 
part  not  of  Semitic  origin.  He  is  acquainted 
with  Jewish  affairs  and  customs  and  upon 
occasion  likes  to  give  information  concerning 
these  (ii.  G,  iv.  9,  xix.  40) :  he  is  especially 
well  acquainted  with  the  Messianic  ideas  of 
the  Rabbinic  schools.  And  yet  he  stands 
in  no  inner  relation  to  the  Jews.  He  has 
nothing  of  St  Paul's  loving  regard  for  his 
own   nation :   he   ascribes    to   these   Jews   all 


The   johannine   Literature    42 1 

kinds  of  folly  and  malice.  He  seldom 
appeals  to  the  Old  Testament  though  it  is 
always  within  his  scope  of  vision.  The  Law 
as  a  code  regulating  conduct  is  quite  outside 
his  sphere  of  discussion;  in  fact  the  Old 
Testament  is  for  him  a  collection  of  passages 
prophetic  of  the  future  (v.  39).  In  spite  of 
iv.  22,  he  regards  Christianity  not  as  the 
fulfilment  but  as  the  opposite  of  Judaism  ; 
it  is  an  absolutely  new  religion  (i.  18,  vi.  32, 
viii.  24,  xii.  38-40).  Galilee  is  quite  without 
interest  for  him.  Sea  of  Tiberias  (vi.  1,  23  ; 
xxi.  1 )  can  scarcely  ever  have  been  a  local 
name  for  the  lake  of  Gennesareth  or  of  Galilee. 
It  is  only  in  Jerusalem  that  he  seems  to  have 
intimate  local  knowledge.  There  he  shows 
acquaintance  with  localities  of  all  kinds;  such 
as:  Solomon's  Porch  (x.  28),  the  Sheep  Gate 
(v.    2),    the    Treasury    (viii.    20),  the   Pool    of 

Bethesda  (v.  2),  Siloam  (ix.  7),  Gabbatha 
(xix.  13),  the  Valley  of  the  Kedron  (xviii.  l). 
lie  has  also  access  to  information,  which  is 
lacking   in    the   Synoptists.   concerning  details 


422    Early   Christian  Literature 

in  the  course  of  our  Lord's  life  ;  such  as : — Our 
Lord's  stay  in  Cana  (ii.  1,  iv.  46),  in  Sychar 
(iv.  5),  in  Ephraim  (xi.  54) ;  the  Baptist's 
activity  first  in  Bethany  beyond  Jordan  (i.  28, 
ii.  26,  x.  40),  later  in  iEnon  near  Salim  (iii.  23) ; 
Bethesda  as  the  native  place  of  St  Peter  and 
St  Philip  (i.  44,  xii.  21)  ;  he  knows  that  Simon 
was  the  name  of  the  father  of  the  Traitor  (vi. 
71),  that  many  of  the  disciples  of  our  Lord 
once  followed  the  Baptist  (i.  19  Jf'.),  that 
Bethany  was  the  home  of  Mary  and  Martha, 
(xi.);  he  informs  us  of  the  attitude  of  the 
brethren  of  our  Lord  (vii.  5),  that  the  Pharisee 
Nicodemus  was  a  secret  adherent  (iii.  1  ff\,  vii. 
50,  xix.  39).  He  besides  affords  us  some 
information  of  a  less  trustworthy  character ; 
such  as : — The  actual  administration  of  Baptism 
by  our  Lord  and  His  disciples  (iii.  22,  iv.  1), 
our  Lord's  frequent  visits  to  Jerusalem  at  the 
feasts  (ii.  12 Jf.,  v.  1  Jf.,  vii.  1  ff.),  the  attempt 
of  the  Galileans  to  make  Him  a  king  (vi.  15), 
the  repeated  attempts  of  the  Jews  to  kill  Him 
(viii.    59,   x.   31-39),  the   saying   of  Caiaphas 


The   Johannine   Literature    423 

(xi.  49  /.'),  our  Lord's  meeting  with  Greeks 
(xii.  20),  Mary  as  the  name  of  the  anointing 
woman  (xii.  2  Jf'.),  St  Peter  as  the  disciple 
who  cut  off  the  ear  and  Malchus  as  the 
name   of  him   whose  ear   was  cut   off  (xviii. 

10  /!),  our  Lord's  Mother  under  the  Cross 
(xix.  25-27),  the  appeal  of  the  Jews  to 
Pilate  concerning  the  inscription  on  the  Cross 
(xix.  21  /!),  the  piercing  with  the  spear 
(xix.  35),  the  position  of  the  sepulchre  (xix. 
41  /!).  It  is  the  more  remarkable  that  our 
author  seems  to  fall  into  the  error  of  imagining 
that  the  high-priest  held  office  only  one  year 
(xi.  49);  if  so,  we  have  here  a  fresh  proof  of 

1 1  is  want  of  close  acquaintance  with  matters 
connected  with  the  Jewish  religion.  On  the 
other  hand,  lie  has  appropriated  many  philo- 
sophical ideas  of  the  Alexandrian  school, 
thus  taking  his  stand  beside  the  author  of 
the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews.  Indeed  the 
Prologue  (i.  1  18),  and  also  many  a  I  bought 
in  the  rest  of  the  gospel,  show  an  intimate 
amalgamation  of  the  author's   Christian   belief 


424    Early   Christian   Literature 

with  elements  of  Alexandrian  philosophy. 
Moreover  he  is  not  unacquainted  with 
Christian  literature,  or,  speaking  more 
precisely,  with  the  ideas  presented  therein. 
It  is  generally  allowed  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  St  Paul's  Epistle  to  the 
Romans  and  his  First  Epistle  to  the 
Corinthians ;  but  he  also  shows  so  many 
points  of  contact  with  1  Peter  and  Ephesians 
that  it  is  almost  certain  that  he  knew  these 
writings.  The  same  conclusion  does  not 
necessarily  follow  from  his  agreement  in  many 
points  with  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  the 
Gospel  of  St  Luke,  and  the  Acts  of  the 
Apostles.  Common  dependence  upon  the 
Alexandrian  school  forms  a  sufficient  explana- 
tion of  a  likeness  which  is  in  this  case  very 
interesting  because  of  the  numerous  points 
of  coincidence  in  common  tradition  and  ten- 
dency. The  author  himself  is  a  strange  com- 
bination of  opposites.  His  usual  course  of 
calm  thought  is  often  disturbed  by  flashes  of 
strong  feeling ;  his  deep  mysticism  is  balanced 


The   Johannine   Literature    425 

by  a  strong  ethical  bent  according  to  which  he 
would  sometimes  define  Christianity  as  simply 
the  fulfilment  of  the  law  of  Love.  In  spite 
of  his  purely  spiritual  interpretation  of  Resur- 
rection and  Judgment  his  faith  seems  to 
require  such  material  props  as  the  miracle 
of  the  Blood  and  Water  at  the  Crucifixion 
and,  perhaps,  the  Flesh  and  Blood  upon  which 
he  lays  such  emphasis  in  vi.  51  ff.  in  spite  of 
verse  03. 

The  I  list  or  if  of  the  Origin  of  the  Johannine 

Writings. 

We  do  not  know  when  the  fourth  gospel 
and  the  three  corresponding  epistles  first  began 
to  bear  the  name  of  John.  Since  the  third 
century  this  tradition  has  been  firmly  estab- 
lished, and  likewise  the  belief  that  this  John 
was  the  (anions  son  of  Zcbedee  one  of  the 
Twelve.  In  spite  of  this  the  two  traditions 
require  separate  consideration.  Let  us  begin 
with    the  question    whether   that    John    whose 


426    Early   Christian   Literature 

name  is  expressly  borne  by  the  Book  of 
Revelation  was  already  in  the  second  century 
generally  regarded  as  the  Apostle  St  John 
the  son  of  Zebedee.  Among  the  original 
authorities  that  have  come  down  to  us  Justin 
Martyr  alone  calls  the  author  of  Revelation 
John  the  Apostle—  assuming  that  the  word 
apostle  is  not  a  later  addition  to  his  text.  But 
even  if  it  is  genuine,  Justin  may  have  been 
guilty  of  an  error  similar  to  that  of  one  of 
his  contemporaries  who  has  made  Philip  the 
Evangelist  (Acts  viii.  4-40,  xxi.  8  f.)  into 
the  Apostle  Philip.  At  all  events  Papias, 
who  looked  far  more  closely  into  past  history 
than  the  philosopher  Justin,  knows  as  little 
as  Polycrates  after  him  and  Ignatius  before  him 
of  a  tradition  that  the  Apostle  St  John  had 
worked  in  Ephesus.  If  such  a  tradition  had 
existed,  Ignatius  could  not  have  simply  called 
the  Ephesians  comrades  in  faith  of  St  Paul ; 
nor  could  Papias,  when  speaking  of  his  autho- 
rities, have  included  the  son  of  Zebedee  among 
others  of  the  Twelve  who  had  nothing  to  do 


The  Johannine   Literature    427 

with  Asia  Minor  in  a  separate  clause  from  the 
two  "  disciples  of  the  Lord ';  who  dwelt  in 
Asia  Minor — one  Aristion  and  the  Elder  John  ; 
nor  again  would  the  same  writer  have  told  us 
— without  any  reference  to  locality  so  that  we 
are  compelled  to  suppose  that  he  means 
Palestine — that  St  John  like  his  brother  St 
James  was  killed  by  the  Jews,  even  naming  St 
John  first.  Polycrates  again  sums  up  as  the 
great  pillars  of  Asia  Minor  first  Philip  the 
Apostle  (he  means  the  Evangelist)  with  his 
daughters,  then  John  "  the  witness  (/xa/j-m) 
and  teacher"  -who  lay  on  the  breast  of  the 
Lord,  who  became  priest  wearing  the  mitre, 
and  was  buried  in  Kphesus  —lastly,  a  succession 
of  bishops.  Though  so  many  titles  of  honour 
are  here  heaped  upon  this  John,  that  of  apostle, 

the  highest  of  all  in  those  days,   is   nol    among 
them.       May  we  not  say  that  this    must    he    the 

same  John  whom  Papias,  ;is  has  been  just  said, 
mentions  as  distincl  from  the  son  of  Zebedee 

in  a  passage  where  their  names  occur  together  '. 
Papias  himself  had  even  heard  this  John, as  we 


428    Early  Christian  Literature 

learn  from  a  fragment  of  his  writings  preserved 
by  Irenaeus  and  Eusebius.  Irenseus  also  nar- 
rates as  a  reminiscence  of  his  childhood  that  he 
had  heard  Polycarp  of  Smyrna  tell  of  his  con- 
verse with  John  and  others  who  had  seen  the 
Lord  and  of  their  accounts  concerning  Him. 
Upon  this  occasion  also  John  does  not  receive 
the  title  of  apostle  but  the  more  general  desig- 
nation "  disciple  of  the  Lord."  In  another 
place  Irenasus,  just  like  Polycrates,  asserts 
that  this  disciple  of  the  Lord  was  he  who 
lay  on  His  breast ;  and,  lastly,  he  testifies 
that  this  John  lived  into  the  days  of  Trajan. 
Thus  the  authorities  of  the  second  century, 
so  far  as  they  have  come  down  to  us,  agree 
that  a  John  lived  in  Ephesus — according  to 
Irenasus  until  the  days  of  Trajan,  i.e.  the 
beginning  of  the  second  century — and  that  he 
was  held  there  in  high  esteem  as  a  disciple 
of  the  Lord  and  one  who  had  himself  heard 
the  Lord.  Two  of  these  authorities,  Papias 
and  Polycarp,  claim  to  have  known  this  John. 
Papias    calls    him    "the    Elder,"    Polycrates 


The   johannine   Literature    429 

names  him  "  Witness,"  "  Teacher,"  "  Priest "  ; 
both  writers  declare  him  to  have  been  "the 
disciple  who  lay  on  the  Lord's  breast "  of 
the  gospel.  Neither  of  them,  however, 
calls  him  "  apostle "  or  says  that  he  was 
one  of  the  Twelve.  It  is  only  in  the  third 
century  that  this  John  is  called  ''apostle"; 
and  finally  at  the  end  of  this  century  the  two 
traditions  were  combined  in  the  assertion  that 
two  Johns  had  lived  in  Kphesus,  the  Apostle 
and  the  Elder — of  the  first  of  whom  the  second 
century  knew  absolutely  nothing,  while  the 
third  century  knew  nothing  of  the  second.  To 
the  authorities  of  the  second  century  may  now 
be  added  the  Hook  of  Revelation,  the  most 
ancient  of  all  belonging  indeed  to  the  first 
century,  in  so  far  as  it  knows  of  a  John, 
who,  though  he  is  three  times  mentioned  by 
name  (i.  '2,  1,  9),  is  never  described  as  an 
apostle,  but  rather,  judging  from  the  peculiar 
reverence  shown  in  this  book  towards  the 
Twelve  Apostles  (xxi.  14-),  is  clearly  dis- 
tinguished    from     these.        It    can     therefore 


430    Early  Christian   Literature 

scarcely  be  doubted  that  there  is  absolutely 
no  real  evidence  for  the  truth  of  the  assump- 
tion, which  has  prevailed  since  the  end  of  the 
third  century,  that  the  Apostle  John,  one  of 
the  Twelve,  once  dwelt  and  worked  in 
Ephesus.  This  assumption  rests  upon  the 
confusion  of  John  the  Elder,  in  favour  of 
whom  the  evidence  is  as  trustworthy  as 
possible,  with  the  Apostle — a  confusion 
which  occurred  in  the  third  century  and 
is  truly  characteristic  of  a  period  which 
abounds  in  the  grossest  historical  blunders. 

But  since  Revelation  bears  the  name  of 
John  we  have  a  sure  sign  that  this  famous 
Elder  had  something  to  do  with  the  so-called 
Johannine  literature.  For  we  cannot  believe 
that  two  men  of  the  same  name,  and  occupy- 
ing the  same  position  of  high  esteem  among 
Christians,  could  have  lived  at  the  same  time 
in  Ephesus.  A  second  witness  presents 
himself  in  the  address  of  the  second  and 
third  epistles  of  St  John;  for  the  "Elder" 
who  describes  himself  as  the  author  of  these 


The  Johannine  Literature  4.31 

letters  must  have  been  a  man  of  high 
consideration,  seeing  that  he  does  not  deem 
it  necessary  to  give  his  name.  This  again 
seems  to  exclude  the  supposition  that  two 
men  could  have  borne  the  same  title 
of  "  Elder."  Moreover  that  this  Elder  John 
should  have  been  "  the  disciple  who  lay  on  the 
Lord's  breast "  of  the  gospel,  as  say  Polycrates 
and  Irena'us,  is  in  itself  not  improbable. 
In  the  narrative  (St  John  xxi.  20-23)  it 
is  expressly  assumed  that  he  lived  to  a 
remarkably  old  age.  The  gospel  itself  in  no 
way  suggests  that  we  should  seek  its  author 
in  the  son  of  Zebedee.  On  the  contrary, 
such  an  assumption  presents  difficulties  on  all 
sides.  The  son  of  Zebedee  was  a  Galilean 
and  was  numbered  among  the  first  disciples 
of  our  Lord;  but  "the  disciple  whom  Jesus 
loved"'  appears  first  in  Jerusalem  and  in  the 
last,  days  of  our  Lord's  ministry,  and  then  so 
often  and  in  such  important  connections  that 

we  can  scarcely  understand  why  the  gospel 
has    overlooked    him    up    to    this    time.     This 


432    Early   Christian  Literature 

difficulty  is  emphasised  by  the  fact  that  St 
Peter,  who  is  constantly  mentioned  together 
with  him  during  these  last  days,  appears 
frequently  in  the  earlier  parts  of  the  gospel 
(i.  41,  43-45;  vi.  8,  68;  xiii.  6,  8,  9).  This 
Beloved  Disciple  may  indeed  be  referred 
to  and  introduced  to  our  notice  in 
the  first  chapter  in  the  nameless  "other 
disciple "  who  followed  the  Baptist  and 
became  a  disciple  of  the  Lord  just  before 
St  Peter  was  brought  to  Him  by  St  Andrew 
(i.  35-41);  this  conjecture  is  indeed  rendered 
the  more  probable  by  the  fact  that  the  very 
hour  of  his  first  meeting  with  our  Lord  is 
given.  At  all  events,  his  frequent  mention 
in  company  with  St  Peter  (xiii.  23/!,  xx.  2jf\, 
xxi.  15  f.)  speaks  in  favour  of  the  supposition 
that  he  is  "  the  other  disciple "  who  obtained 
entrance  for  St  Peter  into  the  palace  of  the 
high-priest  (xviii.  15).  He  also  may  be  one 
of  the  "  two  other  "  disciples  of  xxi.  2 ;  if  so, 
this  passage  would  of  itself  afford  conclusive 
evidence  against  his  identification  with  the  son 


The  Johannine  Literature  433 

of  Zebedee.     If  this  well-founded  conclusion 

is  met  by  the  objection  that  some  reference 

to  the  son  of  Zebedee  among  the  disciples  of 

our  Lord  could  scarcely  have  been  omitted  in 

the   gospel,  this   is  because   the   influence   of 

the   traditional    combination    of    the    son    of 

Zebedee    with    "the    disciple     whom     Jesus 

loved  "  of  our  gospel  has  caused  that  we  fail 

to   realise   how   seldom    St   John   the   son  of 

Zebedee   appears    in    the    Synoptists.     Apart 

from  the  story  of  the   call   of  the   first   four 

disciples  and    the    list   of  the   Twelve,    he   is 

mentioned  -and  then  only  after  St  James  and 

often   with  the  addition   u  brother  of  James," 

as  it'  he  were  unknown -as  one   of  the    four 

fishermen  (St  Mark  i.  2K,  xiii.  8);  as  one  of 

the  three  favoured  disciples  (v.  37,  ix.  2,  xiv. 

IV.I)  ;    as    one  of  the  two  sons  of  Zebedee  (x. 

85,  41  ;  St   Luke  ix.  54);  finally  in  St  Luke, 

as   one  of  the   two    disciples,   unnamed    in    St 

Mark,    who    with    St    Peter  prepared    the  last 

Passover    (xxii.    8),   and    once    alone    (ix.    41)). 

Moreover    St    James,    who    according    to   the 

28 


434    Early   Christian  Literature 

Synoptists  occupies  an  even  more  prominent 
position  than  St  John  among  the  apostles,  is 
likewise  never  mentioned  in  the  fourth  gospel. 
Indeed  the  conclusion  that  "the  disciple 
whom  Jesus  loved  "  must  be  one  of  the  Twelve 
rests  entirely  upon  the  assumption  that  the 
Twelve  Apostles  alone  participated  with  our 
Lord  in  the  Last  Supper.  This  idea  has 
established  itself  in  tradition  because  of  St 
Mark  xiv.  17,  but  there  is  nothing  in  the 
nature  of  the  case  to  commend  it — rather  it 
is  in  itself  highly  improbable.  Are  we  to 
regard  that  Supper  as  some  celebration  of 
secret  mysteries,  that  all  except  the  Twelve 
as  a  matter  of  course  should  have  been  ex- 
cluded from  it  ? — that  young  man  for  example 
who  followed  our  Lord  to  Gethsemane,  whom 
an  ingenious  conjecture  declares  to  have  been 
the  Mark,  whose  home  in  later  days  formed 
the  meeting-place  of  the  Christians  (Acts  xii. 
12)  and  was  perhaps  the  place  where  the  Last 
Supper  was  held  ?  Why  should  the  faithful 
women  who  accompanied  our  Lord  to   Jeru- 


The  Johannine  Literature    435 

salem,  why  should  His  disciples  from  Jerusalem, 
presupposed  at  least  in  the  Gospel  of  St  John 
(vii.  3,  iv.  1,  xix.  38)— why  should  all  these 
have  been  excluded  ?  Indeed  this  gospel  seems 
here,  as  on  so  many  other  occasions,  to  correct 
unostentatiously  the  Synoptic  Tradition  by 
the  carefully  chosen  phrase  "  His  own  in 
the  world"  (xiii.  1)  in  introducing  the  scene 
of  the  Last  Supper.  Altogether  there  is 
nothing  to  suggest — indeed,  there  is  much 
that  renders  it  difficult  to  suppose-that  our 
Evangelist  regarded  the  Heloved  Disciple  as 
St   John  the  son  of  Zcbedee. 

We  now  conic  to  the  second  question. 
May  we  regard  this  '"disciple  whom  Jesus 
loved"  as  the  author  of  the  gospel?  This 
also  has  been  accepted  without  question  since 
very  ancient  days.  But  of  this  hypothesis  also 
it  must  be  s;ii<l  that  while  there  is  much  that 
speaks  againsl  it  there  is  nothing  that  speaks 
clearly  in  its  favour.   The  very  expressions  "  the 

disciple  whom  JeSUS  loved'  and  "who  lay 
on    JeSUS1   breast,      if    used    by   the    author    of 


43 6    Early  Christian  Literature 

himself,  are  not  quite  free  from  self-conceit, 
however  natural  they  sound  from  the  lips 
of  some  devoted  disciple  of  him  who  is  thus 
described.  Exactly  the  same  impression  is 
given  by  the  famous  verse  (xix.  35)  concern- 
ing the  historical  truth  of  the  outflowing  of 
blood  and  water  from  the  pierced  side  of  the 
Crucified.  If  we  suppose  that  the  words  were 
written  by  the  eye-witness  himself,  their  form 
is  forced  and  unnatural ;  if  they  were  written 
by  another  in  order  to  gain  the  reader's  confi- 
dence in  the  authority  he  follows,  all  is  simple 
and  natural.  "  He  that  hath  seen,  hath  borne 
witness,  and  his  witness  is  true,  and  he 
knoweth  that  he  saith  true,  that  ye  also  may 
believe."  Whoever  reads  these  words  without 
prejudice  sees  two  personalities  before  him. 
The  first  confirms  what  he  has  just  related  by 
the  declaration ;  this  narrative  comes  from 
an  eye-witness — "  he  hath  borne  witness."  He 
then  as  it  were  seals  the  testimony  with  two 
seals — his  own,  "  his  witness  is  true,"  and 
that  of  his  authority,  "  he   knoweth   that   he 


The  Johannine   Literature    437 

saith  true."  The  authority  is  without  doubt 
the  Beloved  Disciple  of  verse  26,  hence  the 
other,  the  author  of  the  gospel,  cannot  be  he. 
The  subscription  of  chap.  xxi. — a  chapter 
which  is  shown  to  be  an  appendix  to  the 
gospel  by  the  solemn  concluding  words  of 
xx.  30  f. — is  of  so  peculiar  a  character  as  to 
demand  further  examination  before  we  can 
employ  it  in  our  present  argument.  Verse  25 
is  distinguished  from  verse  24  by  its  use  of  the 
singular  instead  of  the  plural ;  and  its  tone  of 
strong  exaggeration  as  well  as  its  repetition  of 
xx.  30  makes  us  suspect  that  it  is  a  later  addi- 
tion, like  those  verses  which  we  have  already 
shown  to  have  been  added  to  the  Johannine 
Apocalypse.  In  verse  24,  the  unnecessary  re- 
dundancy of  the  phrase  "  which  beareth  witness 
of  these  things  and  wrote  these  things"  at  least 
strikes  us  as  strange.  As  (he  text  now  runs 
the  words  "and  we  know  thai  his  witness  is 
true"  implicitly  ascribe  the  preceding  pari  of 
the  verse  to  another  writer,  so  that  they  only 
give    testimony    ;it     second     hand     and     seem 


43  8    Early  Christian   Literature 

therefore  quite  superfluous  after  xix.  35.  But 
if  we  delete  the  unnecessary  words  "  and  wrote 
these  things "  as  an  addition  probably  from 
the  hand  which  affixed  verse  25,  the  rest  of 
verse  24  may  be  easily  understood  as  the  last 
words  of  the  Evangelist,  and  its  connection 
with  what  precedes  is  exactly  similar  to  that 
of  xix.  35  with  the  preceding  verse  34.  The 
Evangelist  himself  here  again  appeals  to  the 
Beloved  Disciple  as  an  absolutely  trustworthy 
guarantee  for  the  truth  of  what  he  records ; 
and  the  "we"  answers  to  the  "  we "  in  the 
Prologue  (i.  14,  16).  No  one  who  reads  the 
gospel  with  understanding  and  gives  the  author 
credit  for  proper  humility  will  imagine  that 
by  using  the  word  "  we "  in  i.  14,  16,  he 
intended  to  describe  himself  as  an  eye-witness. 
In  this  word  he  simply  associates  himself 
with  his  comrades  in  faith,  and  what  he  here 
asserts  of  "  we  " — indeed,  of  "we  all " — is  only 
what  every  Christian,  according  to  xvii.  24, 
is  meant  to  experience. 

Our  whole  investigation  tends  therefore  to 


The  Johannine  Literature    439 

show  that  the  author  of  this  gospel  was  a 
devoted  adherent  of  the  Beloved  Disciple, 
to  whose  authority  upon  occasion  he  directly 
appeals  as  a  trustworthy  guarantee  of  the  truth 
of  his  record,  and  to  whom  he  pays  a  tribute 
of  affection  by  the  way  in  which  he  introduces 
him  into  the  narrative  of  his  gospel.  He 
distinguishes  himself  and  his  friends  from  this 
Beloved  Disciple  and  from  the  other  personal 
disciples  of  the  Lord  as  belonging  to  a  different 
circle.  And  yet  they  too  may  declare  that  they 
themselves  have  seen  the  glory  of  the  Only 
Begotten  Son  of  the  Father,  though  only  with 
the  eye  of  faith,  and  that  they  have  received 
of  His  fulness  grace  for  grace.  And  his  gospel 
bears  the  author  testimony,  as  he  himself 
testifies  of  his  re\  ered  patron,  that  he  says  truth. 

The  testimony  which  the  gospel  itself  thus 
gives  concerning   its   origin   serves  admirably 

to  explain  its  own  peculiar  characteristics.      If 
it  rests  upon  the  authority  of  John  the   famous 

"Elder"  of  Ephesus,  and  if  he  was  b  native  of 

Jerusalem  and  once  a  personal   disciple  of  our 


44-0    Early  Christian   Literature 

Lord,  then  it  is  intelligible  that  his  pupil 
should  have  suffered  Galilee  to  fall  so  com- 
pletely into  the  background  while  he  is  com- 
paratively well  informed  concerning  Jerusalem. 
From  this  John  proceeds  all  the  detailed 
information  which  we  have  summarised  above 
concerning  places,  persons,  and  other  small 
incidents  of  the  Life  of  our  Lord.  The  author 
himself  is  quite  out  of  inward  relationship  with 
the  Jews  of  Palestine  ;  on  the  contrary,  his  mind 
is  rooted  in  that  Greek  culture  in  which  he  has 
grown  up.  The  universalism  of  Christianity 
is  for  him  a  matter  of  course  (iv.  '2\ff.\  x.  16 ; 
xvii.  6,  11,  22).  How  much  of  his  conception 
of  Christ  is  due  to  "the  Elder" — whose 
reminiscences,  though  he  had  seen  our  Lord 
in  the  flesh,  may  well  have  been  affected 
by  the  spiritual  communion  of  later  days  and 
in  some  measure  influenced  by  Alexandrian 
philosophical  ideas-  -and  how  much  is  due  to 
the  author's  own  sympathetic  development  of 
the  conceptions  of  his  master,  is  a  question  that 
will  perhaps  never  be  definitely  settled.     We 


The  Johannine   Literature    441 

may  fairly  assign  to  him  : — numerous  reminis- 
cences of  St  Paul's  ideas — the  conception  of 
Jesus  as  the  Incarnate  Logos,  which  is  found  in 
the  Prologue  but  nowhere  else  in  the  gospel — 
the  exaggeration  of  the  miraculous  element — 
and  above  all  the  thorough-going  transforma- 
tion of  the  utterances  placed  in  the  mouth 
of  our  Lord  into  the  theological  and  philo- 
sophical language  of  the  schools.  It  is  probable 
that  our  author  also  consulted  the  Gospel  of 
St  Mark  before  he  set  himself  to  the  work 
of  editing  the  heritage  left  him  by  "  the  Elder." 
We  may  again  make  use  of  the  analogy  of  the 
dialogues  of  Plato  with  their  intermixture  of 
Socratic  and  Platonic  elements  in  order  to 
illustrate  the  combined  part  played  by  "the 
Elder"  and   his  pupil  in  the  production  of  our 

gospel. 

While  our  Interpretation  of  the  evidence 

afforded  by  the  gospel  itself' in  the  light  of  the 
tradition  of  the  second  century  gives  an  In- 
telligible explanation  of  the  peculiar  character 
of  this  gospel,  this  remains  an  insoluble  enigma 


442    Early   Christian  Literature 

on  the  hypothesis — which  is  without  support 
in  the  gospel  and  in  early  tradition,  though  it 
has  been  handed  down  untested  from  genera- 
tion to  generation  since  the  third  century — 
that  St  John  the  son  of  Zebedee  was  the 
author  of  the  gospel  or  even  was  merely  the 
authority  upon  which  the  Evangelist  depends. 
How  could  he  have  forgotten  Galilee  ?  How 
could  he  show  himself  so  wanting  in  affection 
for  his  countrymen,  to  whom  his  Master  had 
devoted  His  life,  with  whom  He  had  shown  such 
touching  and  patient  forbearance  ?  How  could 
he  have  so  completely  forgotten  the  whole  great 
controversy  concerning  the  validity  of  the  Jewish 
Law  in  which  he  had  taken  a  prominent  part  ? 
(Gal.  ii.  9).  How  could  remembrance  of  the 
Personality  of  Jesus  have  suffered  such  total 
change  in  one  upon  whose  eye  and  heart  the 
whole  public  ministry  of  our  Lord  must  have 
left  an  indelible  impression  ?  What  could 
have  led  him,  the  foremost  of  eye-witnesses,  to 
depend  upon  an  account  at  second  hand  such 
as  the  Gospel   of  St  Mark  ?     How  could  he 


The  Johannine   Literature    443. 

have  divorced  the  Cleansing  of  the  Temple 
from  its  tragic  connection  with  the  final  cata- 
strophe of  which  he  was  a  trembling  witness  ? 
How  could  he  have  kept  back  all  that  he  tells 
us  until  extreme  old  age,  so  that  the  other 
evangelists,  in  spite  of  all  their  zeal  in 
collecting  information,  heard  nothing  of  it  ? 
How  could  the  Galilean  fisherman,  after 
knowing  and  hearing  Jesus  Himself,  have  had 
any  taste  for  the  speculations  of  Alexandria  ? 
And  if  he  be  also  regarded  as  author  of  the 
other  Johannine  writings,  how  is  it  conceivable 
that  a  man  of  such  literary  and  philosophical 
genius  should  have  remained  passive  during  a 
long  life,  and  then  in  extreme  old  age  should 
have  suddenly  taken  up  the  pen  and  in  the 
course   of   a    few    years    have    displayed    such 

extraordinary  Literary  activity? 

Moreover,  the  problem   of  the  relationship 

of  the  various  writ  ingS  of  the  Johannine  school 
to  one  another,  a  problem  which  is  insoluble  in 
terms  of  the  traditional  hypothesis,  liuds  its 
simplest  solution  in  the  light  of  our  conclusions. 


444    Early  Christian   Literature 

The  John  who  describes  himself  as  the  author 
of  the  Christian  Apocalypse  would  then  be  the 
Ephesian  Elder  who  was  at  the  time  living  in 
banishment  at  Patmos.  The  manner  in  which 
his  name  is  introduced  in  i.  4  and  i.  9  ff.  is  too 
unassuming,  and  the  tone  is  too  intimately 
personal,  to  permit  us  to  suppose  that  the 
name  was  adopted  by  the  writer  in  order  to  put 
his  work  under  the  patronage  of  this  John. 
Jewish  apocalyptic  writers  indeed  were  wont 
to  write  under  an  assumed  name,  but  the 
name  chosen  was  always  that  of  some  great 
saint  of  times  long  past ;  while  the  second 
early  Christian  Apocalypse,  the  Shepherd  of 
Hennas,  as  is  generally  acknowledged,  bears 
the  name  of  its  real  author.  It  is  true  that  it 
is  scarcely  possible  to  imagine  that  a  book  of 
this  kind  could  have  been  composed  by  a  man 
who,  throughout  the  whole  of  our  Lord's  public 
ministry,  stood  under  the  influence  of  His 
spirit  as  did  St  John  the  son  of  Zebedee ;  yet 
it  is  quite  intelligible  as  the  production  of  one 
who  may  well  have  companied  with  our  Lord 


The  Johannine  Literature    445 

for  only  a  few  weeks  or  days  during  that 
intense  period  of  conflict  in  Jerusalem,  seeing 
moreover  that  the  mental  atmosphere  of  our 
Lord's  disciples  was  full  of  these  grand  apoca- 
lyptic ideas  concerning  the  future.  And 
besides  the  spirit  of  intimate  loving  relation- 
ship to  Christ,  which  breathes  throughout  the 
seven  epistles  of  chaps,  ii.-iii.,  admirably  suits 
one  who  in  those  days  as  a  young  man  lay 
on  our  Lord's  breast  at  the  Last  Supper. 

The  two  short  epistles,  named  the  second 
and  third  epistles  of  St  John,  have  the  same 
"Elder"  as  their  author.  They  are  indeed 
somewhat  better  written  than  the  Hook  of 
Revelation  ;  but  apart  from  the  influence  which 
the  Jewish  Apocalypse  incorporated  in  the 
latter  work  may  have  exercised  on  the  style 
of  the  author,  this  improvement  in  style  is 
sufficiently  explained  by  I  be  ten  or  twelve  years 
which  may  have  elapsed  since  the  composition 
of  the  Hook  of  Revelation.  The  tone  of  these 
epistles  is  very  similar  to  thai  of*  the  epistles  to 
the  seven  churches  ;  the  same  ;il  t  it  udc  of  purely 


446    Early  Christian  Literature 

personal  authority  is  adopted  in  each  case. 
The  only  advance  in  this  respect  is  marked 
by  the  writer's  assumption  of  the  title  "the 
Elder  "  in  the  two  epistles.  It  is  true  that  his 
authority  is  by  no  means  unquestioned.  He 
is  made  to  feel  that  he  is  now  really  a  man  of 
the  olden  times,  whom  some  regard  as  anti- 
quated ;  and  it  is  for  this  very  reason  that  he 
chooses  the  title  "  the  Elder." 

Nor  is  there  any  reason  for  assigning  our  First 
Epistle  of  St  John  to  another  author.     This 
epistle,  though  lacking  both  address  and  super- 
scription,   has    been    accounted   an   epistle   of 
John   at  least   since   the   end   of  the   second 
century,  and  takes  the  first  place  among  the 
Johannine  epistles  of  the  New  Testament.     It 
is  a  mistake  to  suppose  from  the  tone  of  such 
passages  as  i.  5 ;  ii.  8,  19,  25  ;  iv.  6,   14,  that 
the  writer  lays    claim    to  apostolic  authority. 
Rather  he  writes,  just  as  did  Ignatius  a  little 
later,    in    full    consciousness   of  an    authority 
grounded  in  his  own  personality ;  and  this  not 
without  often  gently  apologising  for  such  an 


The   johannine   Literature    447 

assumption  of  authority  (ii.  7,  13/.,  20/.,  27), 
though  indeed  in  much  simpler  fashion  than 
the  Bishop  of  Antioch.  Also  in  this  epistle 
the  tone  of  address  is  strikingly  allied  to 
that  of  the  seven  epistles  of  the  Book  of 
Revelation.  These  two  writings  even  coincide 
in  favourite  turns  of  expression  which  are 
foreign  to  the  Gospel  of  St  John.  Thus  they 
both  describe  the  Christian  life  as  a  victory 
wherein  the  devil  is  overcome  (Rev.  ii.-iii.  xii. 
11,  xv.  2,  xxi.  7  ;  1  John  ii.  18/1,  iv.  4,  v.  4/!)  ; 
they  unite  in  describing  the  opposite  to  the 
Christian  profession  as  "denial"  (Rev.  ii.  18, 
iii.  8  ;  1  .John  ii.  22 f.).  The  victory  is  gained 
by  the  blood  of  Christ  (Rev.  xii.  11  ;  1  John 
v.  ."> J'.).  Also  the  false  prophet  (Rev.  xvi.  18, 
xix.  20,  xx.  10  ;  I  John  iv.  1  )  is  an  entity  which 
is  alien    to   the    fourth  gospel. 

On  the  Other  hand,  the  only  tWO  writings  of 

the  Elder  which  are   of  sufficient   length   to 

allow    of    comparison    are    in    character  about, 

equally  remoi  ed  from  the  gospel.  In  the  case  of 
the  Apocalypse,  its  difference  from  the  gospel 


448    Early   Christian  Literature 

both   in   language   and   ideas  forces   itself  at 
once  upon  the  attention  of  the  reader.     Only 
to   mention    one    point — the   gospel   in   truly 
Alexandrian    fashion    spiritualises     the     very 
realistic  and  genuinely  Jewish  conceptions  con- 
cerning   Resurrection   and    Judgment    which 
are   found  in  the  Book  of  Revelation.     The 
points  of  difference  between  the  gospel  and  the 
epistle   are   not  so  striking.     Yet,  in  spite  of 
their   broad    common  outline  and  apart  from 
not  a  few  slight  differences  in  literary  form,  a 
whole  series  of  religious  terms  employed  in  the 
epistle   are   wanting  in  the  gospel,  and  these 
indeed  such  as  give  expression  to  central  ideas 
of  the  epistle  ;  such  as  : — To  have  the  Father, 
to  confess  God,  to  have  the  Son,  to  deny  the 
Son,  to  do  righteousness,  to  purify,  propitia- 
tion, blood  in  connection  with   Christ's  work 
of     Salvation,    promise,    hope,    the     Second 
Coming,    and    others.      Equally   striking    are 
important   differences   in   the    respective   sys- 
tems  of  religious   thought  and   belief  which 
appear  in  the  two  writings.      In  the  epistle 


The  Johannine  Literature    4.49 

we   hear   that    God    is    Love,    in   the   gospel 

that     God     is     Spirit ;    in     the    epistle    the 

Spirit  is  Truth,  in  the  gospel  the  Son  is  Truth. 

In  the  epistle  Christ  is  the  Paraclete,  in  the 

gospel  the   Spirit   is   the    Paraclete.       In  the 

epistle  man's  relation  to  God  is  direct — God 

in  us   and    we   in    God ;  in   the   gospel   it   is 

indirect —the  Father  in   the  Son  and  we   in 

Christ.      In  the  epistle  God   and    Christ  are 

brought  much  nearer  together.      The   epistle 

again    never   appeals   to  the  Old    Testament, 

indeed     shows     scarcely    any     trace    of     its 

influence ;  in  the  gospel  the    Old    Testament 

is     always    within     view    of    the    author,    it 

even    hears    witness    to    Christ    (v.    .'39).       All 

these    dillerences.    taken     together    with    the 

close     relationship    of    the     two    works,     are 

easily  intelligible  if  the  author  of  the  gospel 

was    a    disciple  of   the   author    of   the    epistle 

and    of    the    Hook    of    Revelation,    a    disciple 

who    had    developed    along     the    lines    of    his 

own  genius. 

The    date  of  the  gospel  cannot  be  exactly 

39 


45  o    Early  Christian  Literature 

determined.  There  is  no  reason  to  set  it 
much  later  than  the  death  of  "the  Elder" 
who  lived  into  the  days  of  Trajan,  and  so  was 
alive  at  least  in  the  year  98  a.d.  and  probably 
during  the  first  few  years  of  the  second 
century.  The  year  110  a.d.  would  thus 
afford  an  approximate  date.  In  v.  43  the 
reference  is  not  to  Barkochba  but  to  the 
Antichrist.  The  wording  of  xi.  48  is  far  too 
vague  to  permit  of  the  hypothesis  that  it 
presupposes  Hadrian's  command  that  Jews 
should  not  enter  Jerusalem  after  that  city 
had  been  newly  founded  as  Elia  Capitolina. 
Again  the  attitude  towards  Christianity  pro- 
phesied in  xvi.  2  is  not  confined  to  this  later 
period.  Nor  is  any  trace  of  so-called  gnosti- 
cism to  be  noted  in  the  gospel.  On  the 
other  hand  signs  are  not  absent  that  the 
Pauline  period,  indeed  that  the  post-Pauline 
period  in  the  narrower  sense  of  the  word, 
had  already  past.  Persecution  is  already  in 
full  course  (xv.  18-xvi.  4).  The  full  detail 
with  which  the  trial  before  Pilate  is  treated 


The  Johannine  Literature    45 1 

no  doubt  reflects  the  actual  procedure 
adopted  in  the  trial  of  a  Christian  during 
the  persecutions  under  the  Roman  govern- 
ment. Christianity  is  absolutely  cut  adrift 
from  the  Synagogue  (ix.  22,  xii.  42,  xvi.  2), 
with  which  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  would 
still  preserve  some  form  of  communion. 
The  Gospel  of  St  John  moreover  emphasises 
that  interest  in  the  Baptist  and  the 
Samaritans  which  has  already  appeared  in  the 
Lukan  writings : — The  disciples  of  the  Baptist 
pass  over  to  Christianity  (iii.  22-30),  the 
Baptist  himself  points  them  to  Christ 
(i.  35) ;  the  movement  spreads  even  to  the 
Samaritans  (iv.  1-42).  Christianity  is  on  the 
way  to  become  a  world  religion  (xi.  52  ;  x.  1G  ; 
xvii.  6,  II.  22  ;  xii.  20  86).  As  in  the  Epistle 
to  the  Ephesians  the  unity  of  Christendom  is 
a  question  of*  absorbing  interest  (x.  HI,  xvii.  II). 

As  in  the  First  Epistle  of  St  Peter  the  govern- 
ment of  the  community  becomes  a  matter  of 

great  moment    and    is    dealt     with    under    the 

metaphor  of  the  Shepherd  (x.  1-16,  xxi,  1.5//.'). 


452    Early  Christian  Literature 

Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper  seem  to  grow 
in  importance  and  significance  (xix.  34 ;  cf.  1 
John  v.  6) ;  they  seem  to  have  become  subjects 
of  discussion,  even  of  controversy  (iii.  22  ;  iv.  2  ; 
vi.  1-13,  51-58).  In  connection  therewith  the 
question  may  have  arisen  whether  our  Lord 
lived  to  celebrate  the  Passover  feast  (xiii.  1  ff\), 
or  whether  He  died  on  Nisan  14  (xix.  34,  36). 
Somehow  or  other  the  mysteries  and  their 
rites  seem  to  make  their  influence  felt  (ii. 
1-12,  xiii.  1-20,  xix.  34).  At  the  same  time 
Christianity  itself  gains,  as  a  make-weight  to 
the  mysticism  and  exaltation  of  knowledge 
found  in  the  gospel,  the  character  of  a  new 
law  whose  formularisation  is  attempted  (xiv. 
15  ;  xiii.  34 ;  xv.  12,  17)  in  a  fashion  exactly 
similar  to  that  of  the  Gospel  of  St  Matthew 
(xxii.  40,  vii.  12).  It  is  moreover  interesting 
to  note  that  St  Matthew,  which  like  St  John 
is  a  text  -  book  of  doctrine,  though  in  its 
essential  nature  the  antipodes  of  St  John,  still 
runs  parallel  to  it  at  not  a  few  points.  The 
confession  before  Pilate,  "  My  kingdom  is  not 


The   johannine   Literature    453 

of  this  world  "  (St  John  xviii.  36),  has  taken  its 
most  concise  form  in  the  expression  "  kingdom 
of  Heaven  "  which  is  peculiar  to  St  Matthew. 
The  concluding  words  of  St  Matthew, 
"  Teaching  them  to  keep  all  things  whatso- 
ever I  have  commanded  you"  (xxviii.  20) 
corresponds  to  the  Johannine  "  Keep  My 
commandments"  (e.g.  xiv.  15).  The  promises 
of  Christ's  abiding  presence  with  His  people 
(St  Matt,  xviii.  20,  xxviii.  20),  again 
peculiar  to  St  Matthew,  repeat  the  funda- 
mental thought  of  the  Johannine  Final 
Discourses  (xiii.-xvii.).  The  injunction  of  the 
Risen  Lord,  "Go  and  make  disciples  of  .-ill 
nations  (St  Matt  xxviii.  18).  coincides  with 
the  Saying  of  St  John  x.  16,  "  I  have  yet  other 
sheep    which   arc    not    of    this   told:   them   also 

must    I     bring."     Both    gospels    again    are 

interested     in    legends    concerning    St     Peter, 

among   which    St    John    xxi.   Ifi  //.    forms  a 

counterpart  to  St  Malt.  \vi.  IK.  They  both 
agree  in  the  endeavour  to  discover  ;is  many 
instances  as  possible  (»('  fulfilments  of  prophecy 


454    Early  Christian   Literature 

in  the  life  of  our  Lord,  and  indeed  upon  two 
occasions  they  coincide  in  the  same  quotation 
(St  John  xii.  40  =  St  Matt.  xiii.  15,  St  John 
xii.  14  /!  =  St  Matt.  xxi.  4>f.).  There  is  besides 
a  similarity  in  their  treatment  of  history. 
Neither  of  them  recognise  any  development 
in  the  life  of  our  Lord  who  from  the  first 
publicly  appears  as  the  Messiah.  In  both 
gospels  the  Baptist  is  the  recipient  of  the 
revelation  at  the  Baptism  of  our  Lord  (St 
Matt.  iii.  17 ;  St  John  i.  33).  In  both  the 
same  preference  is  shown  for  long  discourses 
placed  in  the  mouth  of  our  Lord,  while  the 
narrative  tends  to  fall  into  a  secondary  place. 
Both  gospels  are  peculiar  in  adding  stories 
which  are  of  unmistakably  allegorical  signifi- 
cance. They  both  tell  of  an  appearance  of  the 
Risen  Lord  near  the  sepulchre  itself,  and  in 
both  the  empty  sepulchre  is  an  object  of 
supreme  interest.  They  even  coincide  in 
small  details.  Thus  they  both  give,  though 
not  with  verbal  agreement,  the  saying,  "  Put 
up  thy  sword  into  its  sheath  "  (St  Matt.  xxvi. 


The  Johannine  Literature   455 

52  =  St  John  xviii.  11);  and  they  often  agree 
in  the  wording  of  a  phrase,  as  in  St  Matt.  iii. 
11  =  St  John  i.  27,  St  Matt,  xviii.  3  =  St  John 
iii.  5,  and  St  Matt.  x.  24  =  St  John  xv.  20. 
Nevertheless  it  cannot  be  proved,  nor  is  it  even 
probable,  that  the  one  evangelist  was  ac- 
quainted with  the  work  of  the  other.  The 
truth  is  that  both  gospels  have  their  foundation 
in  the  same  plane  of  development,  and  that  the 
construction  of  both  is  planned  according  to 
didactic  considerations ;  but  in  the  one  case 
it  is  the  spirit  of  the  East,  in  the  other  the 
spirit  of  Hellas  that  we  watch  in  the  act  of 
building. 

The  writings  of  the  Johannine  school  have 
certainly  exercised  the  most  determining 
influence  upon  the  further  development  of 
Christianity.  The  Hook  of  Revelation  above 
all  other  writings  of  the  New  Testament  has 
preserved  for  Christianity  as  it  involved  itself 
in  the  world  and  became  a  world  power  in  the 
Catholic  Church  —its  heavenward  gaze  and  its 
hope  for  future  perfection.      From  the  treasures 


45 6    Early  Christian   Literature 


of  this  book  the  pious  imagination  has  ever 
clothed  the  simplest  ethical  and  religious 
truths  in  grand  symbols  which  have  formed  the 
most  effective  instruments  in  the  education  of 
Christian  nations.  On  the  other  hand  the 
Epistle  and  the  Gospel  have  spiritualised  the 
imagery  of  the  Christian  Apocalypse  and  have 
thus  again  and  again  afforded  a  corrective  to 
that  mythological  element  which  sometimes 
finds  somewhat  gross  expression  therein. 
Above  all  they,  with  their  simple  demand  for 
trusting  unifying  love  for  the  glorified  Christ 
and  for  the  brethren  as  the  mark  of  common 
Christian  discipleship,  have  guarded  the 
Church  from  all  externalism  in  religion,  more 
even  than  St  Paul  whose  difficult  doctrine 
concerning  the  Death  upon  the  Cross  was  only 
too  easily  perverted  into  a  mechanical  theory 
of  bargain  and  substitution.  Moreover  the 
Gospel  met  the  need  of  the  Hellenic  mind,  and 
of  all  other  cognate  minds,  by  laying  down  the 
lines — which  still  remain  undisturbed — along 
which  it  was  possible  to  combine  intellectually 


The   Johannine  Literature    457 

the  historical  manifestation  of  Jesus  and  its 
significance  as  comprehended  in  the  term 
Christ  with  that  new  belief  in  God  which 
Christianity  also  presented.  No  work  has 
brought  the  truth  of  the  Gospel  so  near  to  the 
mind  of  Hellas  as  the  Gospel  of  St  John. 

But  what  a  wondrous  fellowship  of  souls, 
what  a  marvellous  combination  of  spiritual 
forces  is  disclosed  to  us  in  these  writings  if  we 
have  rightly  interpreted  them  ! 

First  we  discern  a  disciple  of  Jesus,  a  Jew 
by  birth,  who  lias  drunk  of  the  fountain  of 
Alexandrian  thought  and  over  whose  youthful 
life  the  form  of  the  historical  Jesus,  the  Incar- 
nate Christ,  has  I'm-  a  moment  brooded  like  a 
passing  vision.  To  t he  bright  memory  of  a 
time  of  such  blessed  earthly  fellowship  with 

his  .Master,  and  to  the  Alexandrian  faculty 
for  spiritualising  all  things,  he  adds  an  imagina- 
tion strongly  disposed  to  the  realistic  Oriental 
symbolism  of  the  Jew.  In  Ephesus  be  found 
ready  to  his  hand  the  spiritual  harvest  of  the 

mighty    Apostle  of  the   (.entiles   now  purified 


45  8    Early  Christian   Literature 

from  the  taint  of  storm  and  conflict  that  had 
accompanied  its  ingathering.  At  the  same  time 
the  Gospel  of  St  Mark,  so  fresh  with  the  breath 
of  early  enthusiasm  and  yet  robust  in  its  hold 
upon  facts,  afforded  him  a  connected  picture 
of  the  life  of  our  Lord.  Nor  was  the  spirit  of 
the  classic  city  of  secret  mysteries  behind  with 
its  contribution — that  spirit  which  had  already 
passed  over  into  Christianity  cleansed  by  the 
influence  of  St  Paul.  Then  over  all  there 
passed  the  raging  storm  of  the  persecution  of 
Domitian,  clearing  the  air  and  opening  up  the 
landscape  far  and  wide,  and  thus  bringing  to 
the  birth  those  new  thoughts  and  new  mental 
attitudes  which  produced  the  literary  move- 
ment of  the  post-Pauline  writings. 

And  finally,  this  great  Christian  is  followed 
by  a  disciple  like-minded  and  sympathetic 
who  has  grown  up  among  Greek  surroundings 
and  has  been  trained  in  the  philosophy  of 
Alexandria — a  man  of  thought  and  a  mystic, 
a  symbolist  and  a  painter,  a  character  of 
calm  and  simple  morality  yet  burning  through 


The   Johannine   Literature    459 

and  through  with  the  sacred  fire  of  religious 
emotion. 

Thus  Christianity  came  by  these  Johannine 
writings  in  which  its  early  literature  was 
brought  to  a  glorious  close,  summing  up  and 
including  all  that  had  gone  before. 


SUMMARY 

The  literary  movement  of  Primitive  Chris- 
tianity now  reaches  its  close.  The  production 
of  literary  works  of  course  does  not  cease ; 
indeed  the  Epistle  of  Clement,  the  most 
ancient  of  the  writings  which  were  no  longer 
incorporated  in  the  New  Testament,  belongs  to 
the  same  generation  as  the  post-Pauline  and 
Johannine  literature.  But  it  already  bears 
the  characteristic  marks  of  the  production  of 
the  following  generation.  The  style  is  ver- 
bose ;  the  thoughts  tend  to  become  shallow ; 
there  is  want  of  concentration  of  interest ; 
there  is  a  lack  of  warmth  of  feeling ;  and 
above  all,  a  decline  of  creative  force. 

But  the  heritage  of  the  first  two  generations 
of  Christianity  which  has  been  preserved  to  us 
in  the  collected  books  of  the  New  Testament 

460 


Summary  461 

is  indeed  rich  enough  for  all  needs.  The 
sayings  and  parables  of  our  Lord  and  the 
stories  from  His  life,  which  are  preserved  in 
the  Synoptic  Gospels,  will  ever  form  the 
foundation  upon  which  Christian  thought  and 
practice  will  be  built.  On  the  other  hand 
those  minds,  which  cannot  but  strive  with 
bitter  conflict  of  soul  after  some  satisfactory 
solution  of  the  antitheses  of  human  nature, 
will  find  in  St  Paul  their  incomparable  and 
indispensable  champion.  Finally,  to  those 
souls  which  are  by  nature  meditative  and 
introspective  Johannine  Christianity  will  dis- 
close those  deeps,  where  all  wells  up  from  one 
source,  crystal-clear  and  yet  unfathomable. 
Those  moreover  who  have  feeling  for  variety 
in  human  character  and  development  as 
reflected  in  Mm-  mirror  <>r  history  will  delight 
in  the  characteristic  phases  of  transition  which 

are  represented  by  the  writers  that  (ill  up  the 
gap  between  the  Pauline  and  .Jnhannine  period 

in    the   theologian    of    \\\<-    Epistle   i<>   the 
Hebrews,  in  the  pastor  of  the  First  Epistle  of 


462    Early  Christian  Literature 

St  Peter,  in  the  churchman  of  the  Epistle  to 
the  Ephesians,  in  the  ecclesiastical  statesman 
of  the  Lukan  writings,  in  the  religious  teacher 
of  the  Gospel  of  St  Matthew.  No  nation  and 
no  epoch  of  human  development  can  boast  of 
a  literature  in  which  the  spirit  whence  it 
sprang  has  found  more  classic  expression  than 
Christianity  in  primitive  Christian  literature. 
This  literature  is  indeed  the  very  creation  of 
the  spirit  of  Christianity. 


APPENDIX 

The  Epistle  of  St  James — The  Epistle 
of  St  Jude — The  Second  Epistle  of 
St  Peter. 

It  was  a  long  time  before  these  epistles, 
which  we  have  yet  to  discuss,  found  an  un- 
disputed place  in  the  New  Testament.  Both 
in  date  of  composition  and  in  the  character 
of  their  contents  they  lie  quite  outside  the 
course  of  development  of  early  Christian 
literature,  and  they  contribute  nothing  that 
is  essential  to  our  knowledge  of  the  same. 
In  a  certain  sense  the  Epistle  of  St  .James  is 
the  antipodes  of  the  two  others. 

The  Epistle  op  St  James. 

One  cannot  speak   of  a  train   of  thought  in 
this    epistle       It     is     simply     made     up    of   a 

collection  of  small  complete  essays,  exhorta- 

168 


464    Early   Christian   Literature 

tions,  or  even  isolated  sayings.  Many  of 
these  indeed  are  so  deficient  in  characteristic 
Christian  conceptions  that  one  is  justified  in 
conjecturing  that  they  are  of  Jewish  origin. 
This  is  especially  so  with  the  connected  passage 
(iii.  1-18)  concerning  censoriousness,  and  with 
the  longer  and  shorter  sayings  which  are 
appended  to  iv.  11  and  which  were  perhaps 
added  gradually,  as  in  1  Timothy,  and  in- 
clude: — -A  warning  against  slander  (iv.  11  /!), 
another  against  false  security  (iv.  13-v.  6), 
an  exhortation  to  long-suffering  (v.  7-11),  a 
warning  against  taking  oaths  (v.  12),  pieces 
of  advice  for  times  of  sickness  (v.  13-18),  an 
exhortation  to  mutual  brotherly  support  in 
the  way  of  truth  (v.  19/!).  We  do  not  even 
obtain  from  these  passages  a  clear  idea  as  to 
the  persons  addressed.  The  sayings  vividly 
remind  us  of  those  in  the  Book  of  Proverbs 
of  the  Old  Testament,  and  are  related  neither 
in  tone  nor  in  style  to  any  other  primitive 
Christian  writing.  But  the  section  containing 
a  warning  against  earthly-mindedness  and  its 


Appendix  465 

evil  consequences  (iv.  1-10)  also  contains 
nothing  specifically  Christian,  though  it  affords 
some  points  of  contact  with  1  Peter  ii.  11  ; 
v.  5,  6,  8  f. ;  while  in  the  former  passages, 
with  the  exception  of  v.  20  (where  this  epistle 
agrees,  though  not  verbally,  with  1  Peter 
in  a  quotation),  no  such  likeness  can  be  traced. 
We  are  therefore  left  with  only  the  first  two 
chapters.  But  even  here  there  is  no  logical 
connection  of  thought.  The  first  section 
(i.  1-15),  which  is  held  together  by  the  catch- 
word "  Temptation,"  is  really  only  a  mosaic 
in  which  the  related  passages  2-4  and  12  are 
separated  by  5-8  and  9  11,  while  in  13-15 
the  catchword  "  Temptation  "  makes  its  appear- 
ance with  quite  another  signification.  The 
passage  16  L8  connects  only  very  loosely 
with  what  lias  gone  before.  In  a  second 
section  (i.  19  27)  there  now  follows  an  ex- 
hortation to  sincerity  in  the  religious  life. 
again  without  any  definitely  Christian  trait. 
This  section  also  is  wanting  in  clear  con- 
nection    of     thought.        The     next      section 


466    Early  Christian   Literature 

(ii.  1-13)  is  again  a  piece  by  itself  containing 
an  exhortation  to  impartial  brotherly  loving- 
kindness.  Here  again  the  style  is  disconnected, 
and  except  for  the  words  "Jesus  Christ" 
(ii.  1)  there  is  no  distinct  reference  to 
Christianity.  Thus  the  only  section  which 
deals  with  definitely  Christian  conceptions  is 
ii.  14-26,  containing  a  polemic  against  mis- 
understood or  at  least  misused  propositions  of 
St  Paul.  Accordingly  the  Epistle  of  St  James 
cannot  be  described  as  a  homogeneous  literary 
work,  or,  indeed,  as  an  epistle  in  the  true  sense 
of  the  word.  In  construction  it  is  most  nearly 
related  to  1  Timothy,  especially  to  the  last 
chapter  of  that  epistle,  except  that  the  latter 
deals  with  distinctly  Christian  questions  while 
the  concern  of  our  epistle  is  with  questions 
of  universal  ethics.  Echoes  of  St  Paul  and 
1  Peter  are  only  heard  in  the  short  sections 
i.  2-4,  12,  18,  21  ;  ii.  1,  5,  8,  14-26  ;  iv.  1-6,  10 
(v.  20  ?).  In  the  rest  of  the  epistle  are  found, 
besides  countless  echoes  of  Jewish  writings, 
so  many  indications   of  the  influence   of  the 


Appendix  467 

classic  literature  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans 
as  to  be  quite  surprising  when  this  epistle  is 
compared  with  the  rest  of  early  Christian  litera- 
ture. If  one  omits  the  address  (i.  1),  and  in  ii.  1 
the  words  "  Jesus  Christ  "  which  seem  to  have 
been  interpolated  and  in  their  present  position 
disturb  the  expression  "The  Lord  of  Glory," 
then  these  portions  of  the  epistle  are  entirely 
wanting  in  specifically  Christian  tone. 

And  yet  it  is  difficult  to  assume  that  this 
uniting  is  a  Jewish  work  which  has  been 
adopted  by  Christians,  although  we  might 
adduce     analogous    cases    in     support     of    the 

assumption.     It    seems   unintelligible  that  in 

;i  hook  like  this,  if  it  were  Jewish  in  origin, 
all  that  is  specifically  Jewish  should  so  com- 
pletely give  place   to  what   is  purely  ethical. 

And  besides  the  sect  ion  ii.  It  26,  which  deals 
with     Pauline  doctrine,    would    under  such   an 

assumption    be    difficull    to    explain.      It    is 

remarkable  indeed  hut  only  accidental  th.it 
the  author  bears  the  name  of  James.  It  is 
moreover  quite  obvious  th.it    he  cannot  have 


468    Early  Christian  Literature 

been  the  brother  of  our  Lord.  How  could 
such  an  one  have  written  Greek  so  good  and 
so  completely  unaffected  by  his  Semitic  mother- 
tongue  !  How  could  he  have  acquired  his 
familiarity  with  the  literature  of  the  Greeks 
and  Romans !  Above  all,  he  the  brother  of 
our  Lord  would  surely  have  been  able  to 
proclaim  to  his  Christian  brethren  something 
far  better  and  more  precious  than  the  gener- 
alities of  this  epistle.  The  author  indeed 
stands  before  us  in  the  letter  as  a  man  of 
strong  moral  principle,  somewhat  deficient  in 
depth  and  warmth  of  religious  feeling,  with- 
out any  interest  in  dogma,  more  at  home  in 
Jewish  than  in  Christian  systems  of  thought, 
not  without  literary  skill  yet  more  as  a  com- 
piler than  an  author.  This  revelation  of 
his  personality  sufficiently  explains  why  he 
allowed  his  work  to  go  forth  into  the  world 
under  the  patronage  of  the  sainted  leader  of 
the  early  Church  of  Jerusalem.  This  epistle 
forms  one  of  the  original  documents  which 
show    us    how   the    Christians,  just    as    they 


Appendix  469 

accepted  the  apocalyptic  symbolism  of  Judaism, 
so  also  thankfully  appropriated,  as  a  precious 
heirloom  of  their  spiritual  fatherland,  those 
broader  ethical  principles  of  the  Jews  of  the 
Dispersion  which  had  developed  in  freedom 
from  the  cramping  influence  of  the  Judaism 
of  Palestine.  Hut  this  epistle  also  shows  us 
how  this  heritage  from  Judaism  gradually 
drove  Christendom  from  the  fertile  fields  of 
inward  piety  and  heartfelt  loving  devotion  to 
Christ  into  the  somewhat  barren  moorland  of 
a  stringent  and  unemotional  morality. 

We  need  not  trouble  to  ask  to  whom  the 
epistle  was  addressed.  Nothing  in  the  epistle 
speaks  in  favour  of"  their  Jewish  nationality; 
not  even  the  expression  "Synagogue"  used 
in   ii.   2   tor  the  congregation   of  Christians,  :is 

is  shown  by   Hebrews  x.  25.      Communities 

of  Jewish  Christ  inns  without  an  admixture  of 
Gentiles,  indeed  without  the  knowledge  of 
the  existence   of  a   Christianity    free   from   the 

Jewish  Law,  were  impossible  in  the  Dispersion. 

The   epistle    addresses   itself   to   Christians    of 


47°    Early   Christian  Literature 

the  third  or  fourth  generation  throughout 
Christendom.  It  makes  us  feel  that  the  first 
love,  the  fire  of  enthusiasm,  the  endeavour 
after  sanctification  have  seriously  slackened. 
As  in  1  Peter  Christians  are  addressed  as  the 
true  Twelve  Tribes,  that  is,  as  the  genuine 
Israel  of  the  Old  Covenant  living  in  dispersion 
in  this  present  world. 

The  Epistle  of  St  Jude. 

The  short  epistle,  whose  author  is  described 
in  the  address  as  Judas  the  brother  of  James 
and  thus  the  brother  of  our  Lord  who  is 
mentioned  in  St  Mark  vi.  3,  bears  in  contrast 
to  the  Epistle  of  St  James  evident  tokens 
that  it  is  really  an  epistle  in  the  sense  of  a 
genuine  Christian  letter.  Its  one  aim  is  to 
combat  false  tendencies  which  were  spread- 
ing among  the  readers.  These  tendencies 
have  much  likeness  to  those  dealt  with  in 
the  Pastoral  Epistles.  They  combine  moral 
laxity  (4,  8,  10,  12,  16,  18)  with  a  pretended 
deeper   knowledge,    which    tended   to    set   at 


Appendix  471 

nought  the  dignity  of  angels  (8-10)  as  well  as 
the  authority  of  God  and  of  Christ ;  more 
we  cannot  say  with  certainty.  The  author 
combats  them  with  quotations  from  Jewish 
apocalyptic  writings  (14)  in  which  he  seems 
to  be  very  much  at  home.  He  is  acquainted 
with  the  Old  Testament,  though  no  quotation 
therefrom  is  met  with  in  what  is  of  course 
only  a  short  epistle.  Xor  does  his  work 
disclose  any  definite  trace  of  the  influence  of 
early  Christian  writings.  Thus  lie  occupies 
an  isolated  position.  The  ideas  of  the  epistle 
are  not  of  high  religious  value.  It  is  fairly 
conclusive  for  a  late  date  that  "faith"  lias 
already  heroine  an  objective  entity  with  a 
definite  content  (.'J,  20),  that  tradition  has 
become  authoritative  (.'*),  and  that  its 
champions,  "the  apostles  of  our  Lord  .Jesus 
Christ,"  are  a  closed  circle  belonging  to  the 
past  (17).  In  spite  ol"  the  universal  tone  of 
the   address   this  epistle  evidently  has   in    view 

limited  sections  of  Christendom;   the  related 

phenomena  described  in  the  Book  of  Revelation 


472     Early  Christian   Literature 

and  the  Pastoral  Epistles  would  suggest  Asia 
Minor.  How  the  epistle  came  by  the  name 
of  Jude  cannot  be  determined. 

The  Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter. 

The  Second  Epistle  of  St  Peter  is  only  an 
expanded  edition  of  the  Epistle  of  St  Jude. 
It  stands  in  the  same  literary  relationship  to 
St  Jude  as  Ephesians  to  Colossians,  1  Timothy 
to  2  Timothy  and  Titus,  and  2  Thessalonians 
to  1  Thessalonians.  The  position  presupposed 
by  the  Epistle  of  St  Jude  has  undergone 
further  development — the  false  teachers  are 
more  impudent,  the  condition  of  affairs  is 
more  serious.  The  Epistle  of  St  Jude  is 
accordingly  taken  as  a  foundation  and  is  de- 
veloped to  meet  the  needs  of  the  new  situa- 
tion. The  characteristically  diffuse  greeting 
(i.  1-4)  is  followed  by  an  exhortation  to  walk 
worthily  (i.  5-11),  and  the  exhortation  is  en- 
forced by  a  reference  to  the  expected  Second 
Coming  of  Christ  (i.  12-21).  To  this  is 
attached    the    author's    reproduction    of    the 


Appendix  473 

Epistle  of  St  Jude  (ii.  1-22),  amplified  by 
a  passage  refuting  the  false  teachers'  denial 
of  the  Second  Coming  of  Christ  (in.  1-7). 
The  conclusion  returns  to  the  subject  of  the 
first  part  of  the  epistle  and  first  repeats  the 
promise  of  the  Second  Coming  and  then  the 
exhortation  to  godly  living  (11-16),  to  which  a 
renewed  warning  against  the  false  teachers  is 
attached  (17-18).  The  thought  of  this  epistle 
is  in  no  way  influenced  by  the  epistles  of 
St  Paul.  Here  and  there  we  may  perhaps 
trace  in  it  the  influence  of  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  and  of  the  Epistle  of  St  James.  It 
has  scarcely  more  in  common  with  1  Peter 
than  its  name.  The  style  of  the  two 
epistles  is  absolutely  distinct :  1  Peter  shows, 
it  is   true,  more  literary  skill:  but  2    Peter, 

while      absolutely      distinct       in      composition 

and    vocabulary,    is    more    purely    Greek    in 

character.  The  two  epistles  agree  neither  in 
the  name  and  I  he  title  <»('  t  he  author,  nor  in  the 
address  and  the  description  of  the  recipients, 
nor  even  in  the  conclusion  of  each.      1   l'ctcr  is 


474    Eai*ly  Christian  Literature 

strongly  influenced  by  St  Paul  and  the  Old 
Testament ;  2  Peter  shows  no  trace  of  such 
influence.  1  Peter  is  incomparably  the  richer 
in  profound  thought  and  spontaneity  of 
religious  feeling.  The  Passion  and  Resur- 
rection of  Christ  stand  in  the  foreground  of 
1  Peter  while  they  are  wanting  in  2  Peter. 

The  address  of  this  epistle  gives  us  as  little 
information  as  St  Jude  and  St  James  concern- 
ing the  readers  for  whom  it  was  intended.  Its 
contents  would  apply  to  true  Christians  of  all 
places.  Nor  does  the  text  of  the  epistle  afford 
any  distinct  indications  pointing  to  particular 
churches  as  recipients :  only  the  appeal  to 
1  Peter  in  hi.  1  allows  us  to  conjecture  that 
the  Christians  of  Asia  Minor  occupied  the 
first  place  in  the  mind  of  the  author.  The 
recipients,  whoever  they  may  have  been,  were 
of  course  Gentile  Christians.  Their  faith 
in  the  Christian  tradition  was  being  shaken 
by  the  false  teachers  (ii.  21,  hi.  2),  who  were 
causing  schism  among  them.  These  were 
making    use  of   the  doubts  which    had    been 


Appendix  475 

awakened  in  the  minds  of  Christians  by  the 
continued  delay  of  the  Second  Coming ; 
they  appealed  to  their  own  interpretation  of 
the  Old  Testament  (i.  20,  iii.  16),  indeed  even 
to  St  Paul  (iii.  15  /!),  whose  champion  the 
author  constitutes  himself  while  pointing  out 
the  extreme  difficulty  of  a  right  understanding 
of  his  writings.  Our  epistle  bears  everywhere 
the  traces  of  a  late  date.  The  apostles  are  a 
closed  circle  (i.  1,4;  iii.  2)  :  they  as  a  matter  of 
course  agree  with  one  another  (iii.  15),  and 
take  a  position  of  authority  by  the  side 
of  the  commandment  of  Christ  and  the  Old 
Testament  'iii.  2,  16).  This  authority  is  even 
assigned  rather  to  their  writings  than  to  their 
personality  (iii.  L6).     The  significance  of  Christ 

lies  in  the  lirsl    place  in  I  he  fact   that  by  means 

of  the  apostles  He  has  transmitted  His  com- 
mandments to  men  (iii.  2)  and  has  given  them 

a  pledge  of  Inline  glory  (i.  If,  I  1  ).  lie  is 
the  (><><!  and  Saviour  Of  the  Christians  (i.  I) 
although  they  must  contend  for  their  own  sal- 
Nation  (i.  L0).      This  all    points  to  ;i  date  much 


47 6    Early  Christian  Literature 

later  than   the  first   century.     This  epistle  is 
indeed  a  really  pseudonymous  writing,  that  is 
it   really   professes   to  have   been   written  by 
St  Peter  himself,  and  it  is  thus  the  first  of  a 
series   of  such   forgeries    under   the   name  of 
St  Peter,  as  we  must  call  them,  which  con- 
tinually increased  in  volume  after  the  second 
half  of   the  second    century.      This    trait    in 
the    epistle    distinguishes    it    from    1    Peter 
and    Ephesians,  which    profess    to  be  written 
only    in    the    name    and    the    spirit    of    the 
heroes   of   the    first   century.      The   phantom 
Peter  of  our  epistle  emphasises  the  fact  that 
he  belongs  to  the  circle  of  apostles  endowed 
with  canonical  authority  (i.  1-4,  16 ;  iii.  2,  15 ; 
i.   17-19).      The   author   enhances   the   effect 
of  his  epistle  by  representing  it  as  St  Peter's 
last    word    before    his    death  (i.  14/.).      We 
do  not  owe  to  this  epistle  any  ideas  of  high 
religious  value. 


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